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The Works of which this Volume is composed, being of 
an historical character, naturally require a Chronological 
Table of the principal events recorded in them; but the 
difficulties of forming any satisfactory statement, during the 
period to which they belong, are so great, that any arrange- 
ment can be but hypothetical, and must be accompanied 
with some notice of the difficulties themselves, and the various 
expedients which have been adopted with the view of over- 
coming them. Though such notice will be necessarily very 
imperfect, it shall here be attempted. 

1. Interposition of Pope Julius in the affairs of the East. 

It is certain, that both the Eusebians and the Egyptian 
Bishops had recourse to Rome ; that Athanasius went thither ; 
that a synodal judgment was passed there ; and that Legates 
went from S. Julius to Antioch; but the order and dates 
of these events are variously determined. For the sake 
of perspicuity, it will be necessary in the first place to take a 
view of the transactions to which dates are to be assigned ; 
though it is impossible to do so, without prejudging some 
of the questions in dispute. 

It appears then, that shortly after the return of S. Atha- 
nasius to Alexandria from his exile in Gaul, the Eusebian 
party brought charges against him before the three Emperors, 
(infr. pp. 18, 226,) and the Pope, (p. 37.) Their embassy or 
legation to the latter consisted of Macarius, Martyrius, and 

a 2 

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Hesychius, (pp. 42, 47.) and they were met by a counter 
deputation from S. Athanasius, (pp. 44, 226,) supported, 
(p. 48,) or preceded, (p. 43,) by letters from many Catholic 
Bishops, (pp. 47, 70,) and by a letter to the Pope, (p. 38,) 
which an Alexandrian Council of from eighty, (p. 61,) to one 
hundred Bishops, (p. 14,) had written in his favour, (pp. 14, 17, 
and 48.) The discussions which ensued at Rome perhaps were 
held before a Council of Bishops then present, (p. 46,) and 
ended in the defeat of the Eusebian legates, (p. 43,) one of 
whom abruptly left the city in consequence, (p. 44.) Julius, 
however, did not decide the matter at once, but at their 
suggestion, (pp. 39, 42, 226,) proposed a Council, (p. 11,) at 
which both Eusebians, (p. 54,) and Athanasius should attend, 
(p. 40,) and the Alexandrians have the choice of place, (p. 226.) 
Athanasius, who was otherwise disposed to betake himself to 
Rome, in consequence of the outrages of Gregory whom the 
Arian Council of the Dedication had sent to Alexandria in his 
place, (p. 227,) promptly obeyed the call (p. 49) ; and on his 
arrival at Rome, the Pope sent Elpidius and Philoxenus as 
legates to Antioch, (p. 39,) with a letter to the Eusebians, 
(p. 46,) repeating the invitation to a Council, (p. 41,) and fixing 
the day, (pp. 45, 227.) There they were detained over the 
time, ibid, and at length came back with a refusal on the part 
of the Orientals to attend (pp. 40, 46, 47) ; though the Eusebian 
legates had not only been the originators of the measure, but 
had gone so far as to offer to submit the question to the 
arbitration of the Pope, (p. 39.) Upon this Julius proceeded 
to hold a Council of fifty Bishops, (pp. 14, 39, 230,) at which 
Athanasius and others were pronounced innocent and admitted 
to communion, ibid, and in the name of which, (pp. 39, 46,) the 
Pope, eighteen months from the date of Athanasius's arrival, 
(p. 49,) proceeded to address a letter of remonstrance to the 
Orientals, who had written to him from Antioch. 

This is a sketch of the history, and now to proceed to its 
chronology. The only date which is known for certain is 
that of the Eusebian Council of Antioch held A.D. 341. 

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This we learn from Athanasius, de Syn. §. 25. " Ninety 
Bishops," he says, " met at the Dedication under the Con- 
sulate of Marcellinus and Probinus, in the 14th of the 
Indiction;" L. F. vol. 8, p. 109. As, in dating by the In- 
dication, the new year began in September, the Council must 
have assembled during the spring or summer of 341 ; nay, it 
would appear, in the first months of it, if Gregory, who was 
appointed in it to the See of Alexandria, began his per- 
secution at Alexandria in that year. Gregory entered Alex- 
andria during Lent, (infr. p. 7.) that is, either in Lent 841 
while the Council was still sitting, or the Lent following. 
Upon Gregory's coming, Athanasius left Alexandria for 
Rome, that is, after Easter ; thus Athanasius's visit to Rome 
commences in the spring of 341 or 342; unless indeed 
we suppose with Mansi, that Gregory's invasion and Atha- 
nasius's flight were prior to the Council of the Dedi- 
cation, viz. in 340. He remained at Rome three years, 
(p. 158.) and in the fourth year was called by Constans 
to Milan. Now in the latter part of 345 the delegates 
of the Eusebians also came to Milan, Eudoxius, Marty- 
rius, and Macedonius, (vid. L. F. vol. 8, p. 111.) with the 
Macrostich or Long Confession, which had been drawn up 
at Antioch in the beginning of the year. They presented 
themselves before a Council there, according to a letter of 
Liberius, of the date of 354 ; which rejected them ; and that, 
according to the same letter, eight years before that date, 
which nearly agrees with Athanasius's account of the publica- 
tion of the Macrostich. It is natural to connect this visit 
of the Eusebians to Milan with the summons of Athanasius 
by Constans to that city, and to conclude that the pro- 
ceedings of the Council issued in the resolution which the 
Emperor adopted at this time to treat with his brother 
for the meeting of a General Council. If so, the date of 
Athanasius's journey to Rome is 342. And it certainly seems 
much more probable that Gregory should proceed to 
Alexandria the Lent after the Dedication, than that the ec* 

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clesiastical and military acts and movements* which attended 
his expedition should be despatched between January and 
Lent, which the date of 341 requires, i. e. did not Athanasius's 
words p. 226. on the other hand shew that the Eusebians 
were very much bent on the measure, and were likely to 
prosecute it promptly. And Baronius and others date 
the Councils of the Macrostich and of Milan at 344, not 
345, which throws back the journey of Athanasius to 341. 
And moreover if the Anonymus Maffeianus, relied on by 
Mansi, be correct, the Council of Sardica was held at the end 
of 344, a date which may just allow time for a preliminary 
Council of Milan (in 344.) between the Sardican Council and 
the end of three years from May 341. In this uncertainty 
about the year of Athanasius's journey to Rome, 341 may be 
more fitly taken than 342 or 340, as having the suffrages of 
more critics in its favour. But in this question does not consist 
the main difficulty of the chronology on the point before us, 
which is internal to the documents which are to follow, 
arising out of the relative not the absolute dates which 
they contain. 

It appears that S. Athanasius was eighteen months at 
Rome before Pope Julius's letter, (p. 49;) that is, the Council 
of Rome, in or upon which he wrote it, was ending or 
just ended eighteen months after Athanasius's arrival, 
or in the month of October or rather November, since 
he set out for Rome after Easter. But the meeting of the 
Council was fixed for a day before the January preceding 
that November ; because the Pope's legates who were sent 
into the East upon Athanasius's arrival at Rome are said, by 
being kept at Antioch till January, to be kept over the time 

* Pagi after Schelstrate contends, 
that the Confession of faith and the 
Canons preceded the cause of Athana- 
sius in the Council. Montfaucon and 
Tillemont, (with the exception of the 
Canon, which was expressly levelled at 
Athanasius, and which Montf. does not 
notice as a Canon,) place it first of all. 
If there were at first orthodox Bishops 

at the Council, as is said, we cannot 
suppose, that Athanasius was con- 
demned till after their departure. Schel- 
strate. who places matters of faith and 
discipline first, in his task of vindi- 
cating the Catholicity of the Council, is 
obliged to suppose its commencement in 
340, in order to gain time for Gregory's 
expedition by Lent 341. 

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of meeting. Thus we have an interval of eleven months 
between the meeting and the termination. It follows then that 
the Council did not meet at the time proposed, or that it was 
continued for nearly a whole year, or that there were two 
Councils, one in December, the other in November. Now 
as to the last supposition, it is most improbable that the same 
Bishops of Italy should meet twice over at so short a period, 
and Julius and Athanasius speak distinctly of but one 
synodal body, (even supposing they are not clear about one 
meeting,) which both pronounced the innocence of Atha- 
nasius and commissioned Julius to write. Still less is 
it conceivable that the Council should be prolonged for 
ten or eleven months. Nor can we easily conjecture, what 
is at first sight plausible, a postponement of the day of 
meeting, for Julius seems positively to say that they met 
at the very time for which they had been convened, (p. 46.) 

In this difficulty, which can on no hypothesis perhaps be 
satisfactorily removed, some critics have thrown the fault, as 
it may be called, upon one place in the history, others on 

The form in which it has been above exhibited is that 
which arises out of the arrangement of facts and dates 
first suggested by Valesius, and adopted after him by 
Schelstrate, Pagi, Montfaucon, Coustant, Du Pin, S. Bas- 
nage, and others. It seems far more natural and less open 
to objections than any other; and perhaps the readiest 
explanation of the difficulty, which has been above described 
as attaching to it, is to consider the letter of Pope Julius to 
be later than the Italian Council by eleven months, and 
written in the ordinary Autumnal Synod (Baron. 342. 34.), to 
which, on occasion of the delay of the Eusebians, the Italian 
Council of December, might naturally delegate b , as to a sort 
of Committee, the office of concluding negociations with them 
and issuing the Council's sentence, whenever the legates of the 

b Tillemont will be found to make a He supplies parallel instances, 
similar suggestion, vol. 7. pp. 706, 7. 

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Pope should return. What makes this the more probable is, 
that Julius speaks of Athanasius as being among the Romans 
eighteen months. " He continued here a year and six months,.... 
his presence overcame us all," p. 49, words which properly 
belong to Bishops residing in the neighbourhood, not to an 
Italian Council. It is observable, moreover, that Julius says, 
"the sentiments I am expressing are not those of myself 
alone, but of all the Bishops throughout Italy, and in these 
parts" hv rovrois roi$ [ligeo-i, p. 46. (Baronius, however, adduces 
this passage in order to shew that S. Julius's first letter issued 
from a Council.) And he proceeds, " The Bishops now too, 
xa) vuv, assembled on the appointed day," as if there had been 
a former appointment, and that punctually kept ; (though Vale- 
sius and Schelstrate understand the words, " I again write," 
which follow, to refer to Julius's former communication with 
the Eusebians before Athanasius's coming, as we may 
understand it still.) And that a delay of some kind was occa- 
sioned in the proceedings at Rome by the conduct of the 
Eusebians, is plain, as various critics observe, from Julius's 
words, p. 40, " I, when I had read your letter, after much 
consideration, kept it to myself, thinking that after all some 

of you would come but when no one arrived, and it 

became necessary that the letter should be produced, &c." 
This passage too accounts for the long interval between the 
departure of the legates from the Eusebians in January, 
and the Pope's Letter to them of the November following in 

Such is the disposition of the dates which is the most 
satisfactory on the whole; but it must not be concealed, that 
names of the greatest weight may be alleged in favour of 
other chronological arrangements. Such is Baronius, who 
has been followed by Labbe, Petavius, and others ; such are 
Hermant, Papebroke, and Tillemont, who adopt a third hypo- 
thesis. Such again is Mansi, who follows an arrangement of his 
own, founded on a document which has come to light since 
the time of his predecessors. 

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Baronius supposes two visits of Athanasius to Rome, and 
two Italian Councils held there. He refers to a statement of 
Socrates, as apparently the basis of the former of these 
suppositions ; though Socrates is so inextricably perplexed in 
his account of the events and even of the names of persons 
which occur in the history, that it is difficult to determine 
what he does and what he does not say on this point. 
Baronius refers to Hist. ii. 11 - where no such statement occurs. 
He may be taken, however, to say, (e. g. ii. 15.) that Athanasius 
after his acquittal at Rome returned to Alexandria before the 
violent entrance of Gregory, upon which he retired to Rome 
a second time. Accordingly, Baronius terminates the eighteen 
months some time before Lent, 342, which he considers the 
date of Gregory's entrance, or towards the close of 341, and 
places their commencement, that is, the first journey of Atha- 
nasius in the early part of 340, and the Council of Alexandria 
in 339. Further, since the termination of the eighteen 
months must coincide with the date of the Roman Council, 
which acquitted Athanasius, he supposes that Council to 
have been held in 341, before the outrages of Gregory, and 
before the return of the legates, whom he sends into the East 
in 340, previous to Athanasius' first journey, and brings back 
to Rome not till 342, when Julius holds a second Council, 
in which he writes his synodal letter. 

Baronius urges in behalf of his two Councils that Pope Julius 
notices in his Letter written from the Council, the complaint 
of the Eusebians that Athanasius had been admitted to com- 
munion, which was undeniably the act of the Council of fifty 
Bishops. Valesius answers first by denying that Julius 
notices any such complaint, next by arguing that the act 
of the Council of fifty was not mere admission into commu- 
nion, for Athanasius had never been out of communion, 
and of this the Eusebians might be complaining, but 
a formal recognition of his being, and deserving to be, in 
communion with the Church. And hence Athanasius says, 
that they gave him " the confirmation of their fellowship," 

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p. 39. kxvgaxrctv tjjv xoimvlav. As to the question, which has 
been raised, whether the Pope suspended communion with 
Athanasius, it is treated of by Tillemont, vol. 8. p. 673. 

Tillemont, though he agrees with Baronius in supposing 
two journeys of S. Athanasius to Rome, follows Papebroke 
in differing from him altogether in the dates at which he 
places them. He argues that the Council at Rome must be 
dated shortly after the Council of the Dedication at Antioch 
341 ; after it, because Julius complains that the Eusebians had 
anticipated him b , (p. 50.) and but shortly after, because they 
pleaded the suddenness of the summons to Rome as a reason 
for not going, whereas it had been sent them by the Pope's 
legates as far back as the foregoing year. And he considers 
that the legates set out in the year 340, because in Athana- 
sius's Encyclical Letter, written in the spring of 341, mention 
is made (p. 11.) of an intention at Rome to hold a Council for 
settling the existing troubles, an intention moreover the news of 
which occasioned the Eusebians to assemble at Antioch in 341. 
Accordingly he places the Council of Rome in June of that 
year ; and this, in spite of S. Julius's express statement that 
January, when the legates were dismissed from Antioch, was 
about (because just beyond) the time when the Council was 
held, meeting the difficulty by an arbitrary alteration of the 
text, of June for January. And he supposes the Council to 
continue by adjournment and representation till the return of 
the legates, when S. Julius wrote his letter to the Eusebians. 
Athanasius's eighteen months therefore terminated at this date, 
i. e. in the autumn of 341 ; but, as agreeing with Valesius in 
fixing Gregory's arrival at Alexandria in Lent of that year, 
Tillemont is obliged to suppose that the eighteen months were 
not consecutive, even if they were complete. He dates Atha- 
nasius's first coming as at the end of 339 c ; considers that he 

b Schelstrate of course, whom Pagi c The words piw Ituutat in Atha- 

follows, will not allow any intentional nasius, infr. p. 227. $.11 init. are felt 

anticipation on the part of the Council, as a difficulty both by Tillemont and 

which he maintains to be in its begin- Montfaucon ; by Montfaucon, as if 

nings Catholic, and to have assembled at shewing that his flight was before Gre- 

the end of 340 to dedicate the Aureum gory's coming; by Tillemont, as shewing 

Dominicum. that it was after Gregory's ordination. 

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returned to Alexandria in the course of 340 on the rumour 
of the Eusebian movements at Antioch, and retired a second 
time to Rome on the forcible entrance of Gregory during 
the Lent following. 

Valesius argues against the double journey of Athanasius 
from the strong negative fact that Athanasius no where 
speaks of more than one, (vid. infr. pp. 39, &c. 158,227, &c.) 
He considers too that he could not have returned to Alex- 
andria without formal Letters from Constantius, which there 
is no appearance of his obtaining. 

Mansi differs from other critics in this, that he rejects the 
testimony of Socrates, &c. upon which it rests that Gregory's 
appointment proceeded from the Council of the Dedication, 
and considers his violences at Alexandria to have taken 
place in Lent 340. He argues from the language of 
Athanasius in his Encyclical Letter and elsewhere that 
Gregory certainly was not elected by Bishops, and therefore 
not in a Council, (vid. infr. pp. 5, 64, 229, &c.) Yet surely, 
according to Socrates, &c. Athanasius was deposed by the 
Council " because he had violated a rule which they themselves 
then passed," viz. that he had exercised his episcopal office 
without the formal leave of a Council of Bishops ; and it can 
hardly be supposed that, when the Eusebians took the pains 
to be thus formal, they had already despatched Gregory to 
take possession of the Alexandrian See. And Pope Julius's 
letter too, p. 50 fin. implies that the Council passed some act 
against Athanasius. Hence Schelstrate and Pagi maintain that 
he was not deposed till after the question of faith and at least 
some canons had been settled. Mansi, however, relies upon a 
document discovered by Maffei in the Veronese Library, pre- 
sently to be mentioned, which anticipates the date of Atha- 
nasius's return after the Council of Sardica by some years, 
placing it on Oct. 21, 346. and assigning six years and six 
months for the length of his exile. In consequence he fixes 
Athanasius's flight from Gregory and journey to Rome at the 
beginning of 340, agreeing with Baronius and Papebroke 

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in supposing that it was preceded, as Sozomen reports 
Hist. ii. 9. by a time of concealment. He places the 
Council of Rome at the end of the eighteen months after 
Athanasius's arrival, i. e. towards the end of 341. And he 
argues that the Council of the Dedication was held in the 
month of August, from the circumstance # of St. Jerome's 
assigning the Council in his Chronicon to the fifth year of 
the Emperors, (as does Socrates Hist. ii. 8.) while the 
fourteenth of the Indiction, which is also its date, ended 
with the beginning of September. But the fifth year from 
Constantine's death began on May 22; and from the new 
Emperors' assumption of the title of Augustus, not in August 
as Mansi states, (vid. Suppl. Cone. p. 175.) but on Sept 9. 
vid. Tillem. Emp. t. 4. p. 312. l'Art de verifier les Dates, 
t. 1. p. 392. 

The mention of the accession of the sons of Constantine 
leads to the notice of one date in which Schelstrate, Pagi, and 
Montfaucon, as well as Papebroke, and Tillemont, side with 
Baronius against Valesius, who wishes to make 337 instead 
of 338 the year of S. Athanasius's return from Gaul. Vale- 
sius argues in favour of 337, from the circumstance that 
Constantine the younger in his letter to the Church of Alex- 
andria, (infr. p. 121.) which is dated June 17, designates 
himself as " Caesar," not by the title of Augustus, which he 
assumed with his brothers the September after his accession, 
i. e. Sept. 9, 337. Valesius adds, that while the brothers 
were but Caesars, Constantine would have the highest autho- 
rity of the three, as being the eldest ; as if thus accounting 
for Constantine's writing to the Alexandrians, not Constantius 
their sovereign. Tillemont, after Schelstrate and Pagi, urges in 
reply the testimony of Theodoret, who says that Athanasius 
was two years and four months at Treves ; and as he arrived 
there not before the end of 335, (Tillem. Montf.) or in 336, 
(Baron. Schelstr ) he did not leave till 338. Moreover, Con- 
stantine's letter was written too soon after his father's death, 
on the supposition of its belonging to 337, to allow even of 

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his hearing of that event, much less of his speaking, as he does, 
of his father's wishes as regards Athanasius. It appears too 
that the three brothers met in Pannonia in 338, where Atha- 
nasius tells us, (infr. p. 159,) he had about this time an inter- 
view with Constantius, viz. at Viminacium ; it is natural then 
to suppose that the letter of Constantine was the consequence 
of the meetings then and there held. And while Athanasius, 
(infr. p. 225,) expressly says, that his return was the joint act 
of the three brothers, it is known that Constantius and 
Constans were at Viminacium in June 338, since one of their 
laws bears this date and place ; not to say that, according 
to Epiphanius, Constantius's approbation of the return of 
Athanasius was given when that Emperor was at Autioch, 
which he is known to have been in October 338. (vid. Sehel- 
strate, Pagi.) As to Valesius's difficulty about Constantine's 
title, Pagi solves it by observing that Constantine was writing 
to a Church under his brother's jurisdiction, and in such case 
he would naturally drop the title Augustus, though he was in 
possession of it. He refers to parallel instances. And as to 
Constantine's writing at all, it is sufficient to answer that 
Treves where Athanasius was staying was within his territory. 

Valesius also maintains, that the Encyclical Letter was 
written on occasion of the second attack on the Alexandrian 
Church, by George in 356, not upon the first under Gregory. 
He is misled by the faults in the text noticed infr. p. 1, which 
Baronius had corrected from the necessity of the case, and 
which Montfaucon has been able to set right from one of his 
Mss. To meet the difficulty which the mention of Philagrius 
creates, of whose connection with Gregory we are informed 
by Athanasius himself, infr. p. 224, Pagi, who, as well as 
Schelstrate, follows Valesius in this point, supposes that there 
were two Prefects of the name of Philagrius, the second the 
son of the first. He supports this supposition by the mention 
which occurs, (ibid.) of a Philagrius, Vicar of Cappadocia, i. e. 
under the Prefect, and who cannot,he considers, be the man who 
had served the higher office of Prefect of Egypt In this way 

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would be explained the praise bestowed upon a Philagrius by 
Nazianzen, (vid. ibid, note b.) whom he supposes to be the 
second of the two. 

2. Tlie Council of Sardica. 

If any period in the life of S. Athanasius might at first 
sight be considered free from chronological difficulties, it 
would be that which lies between his second and his third 
exiles. Baronius, Montfaucon, and Tillemont, whose dates 
we have found so discordant in the foregoing years, have 
hardly a subject of difference in those which follow. There 
is a general consent among them and the critics which come 
between them concerning the date of the Council of Sardica, 
the restoration of S. Athanasius, and the irruption of Syrianus 
and his flight. The great difficulties attaching to the Councils 
of Sirmium in these years scarcely fall into the narrative of 
his life. Thus stands the matter, if we confine ourselves to 
the discussions and researches of the seventeenth century. 
But in the course of the eighteenth a fresh source of informa- 
tion was discovered, which, while it added perplexity to the 
perplexed period which has already come under review,brought 
into serious difficulty the hitherto unquestioned dates of the 
Council of Sardica, and of S. Athanasius's return to Alex- 
andria consequent upon it. 

Maffei published from the Library of Verona a fragment 
of the Latin Version of Annals of the life of S. Athanasius, 
written apparently in Greek at Alexandria, and not very long 
after the times which it records. The high value which he 
sets upon this document, is confirmed by the judgment of 
Mansi and the Ballerini, the latter of whom call it an " aureum 
opusculum," Observ. in Noris. p. 834. and the former has 
made it the basis of a new chronological arrangement d . That 
it contains very great historical misstatements is evident at first 
sight; but it is a question whether these may not be attributed 
to the ignorance of the translator, errors in transcription, e. g. 
in numerals, and other causes; while on the other hand, were 
<» Vid. also Vallars. in Hieron. Chron. p. 793. 

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the mistakes even so numerous and flagrant, an apparent 
internal consistency as well as plausible external support 
may be urged in behalf of those particular statements, on 
which are founded the corrections of the chronology of the 
historical period now under review. 

In the very passage which is of main importance in the 
inquiry, and with which the fragment opens, we find a 
glaring error, at variance too with the account which follows. 
"Post Gregorii mortem Athanasius reversus est ex urbe 

Rom& et remansit quietus apud Alexandriam annis xvi. 

et mens, vi." whereas it is notorious, as the Annalist himself 
goes on to say, that he was driven into banishment again in 
little more than nine years. 

In the paragraph that follows, the Author speaks of the 
Consuls of the year 349, as Hypatius and Catulinus, instead 
of Limenius ; and of Eusebius of Nicomedia as then alive, 
who died in 341 or 342; and of the murder of Hermogenes 
at Constantinople, which took place at the same date. Mansi, 
however, has a very ingenious explanation of the mistake in 
the Consul's name. 

Afterwards he speaks of Constans for Constantius, and 
Gregory for George. 

The statement in which we are immediately concerned 
runs thus : "JEt {actus est, post Gregorii mortem Athanasius 
reversus est ex urbe Roma et partibus Italiae et ingressus 
est Alexandriam, Phaophi xxiv. Consulibus Constantio iv. 
et Constante iii. hoc est post annos vi." The Consuls named 
belong to 346, and the Egyptian date, according to Mansi, 
corresponds to October 21 ; whereas the received date of 
Athanasius's return is 349, and is computed thus : — Sozomen 
Hist. iii. 12. places the Council of Sardica in the Consulate 
of Rufinus and Eusebius, that is, A.D. 347. From the 
Council an embassy or legation was sent by Constans to his 
brother, consisting of Euphrates and Vincentius. What 
happened to them at Antioch we read infr. p. 235, and it took 
place " at the season of the most holy Easter," which must 

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be 348, Easter-Day being April 8 ; now Gregory died " about 
ten months after," p. 236 ; that is, in February 349, upon which 
Athanasius was restored to his see, ibid. But on the other 
hand, reckoning backwards, if his restoration took place, as 
the Annalist would have it, in 346, then Euphrates and 
Vincentius were at Antioch at Easter 345, and the Council 
took place in 344. 

In another place the anonymous Annalist speaks of the 
irruption of Syrianus, infr. p. 206. as occurring, "Mechir xiii. 
die per noctem supervenientem xiv." or February 9, which 
answers to the received account infr. p. 294. and adds, " Hoc 
factum est post annos ix, et menses iii, ac dies xix, quam 
Italia reversus est Episcopus;" a period, which, reckoning 
according to Alexandrian months of thirty days, consistently 
answers, as Maffei and Mansi observe, to the interval between 
Oct. 21, 346. and Feb. 9, 356. One cannot suppose then 
the date assigned, whatever be its value, to have been altered 
in transcription or translation. It is the date intended by 
the Author. Now in St. Jerome's Chronicon, the year 
assigned for Athanasius's return, is the tenth year of Constans, 
that is, this very year 346, though the date A.D. is there 
otherwise marked, viz. as 350 (349). Theodoret too reckons 
the length of Gregory's usurpation at six years, which, how- 
ever treated, cannot be made to -reach to 849. Moreover, if 
Euphrates was convicted of Arianism in 346, which is the 
date assigned to the Council of Cologne, he could not have 
been a legate from the Council of Sardica to Constantius in 
Easter 348 ; but this difficulty, so celebrated in controversy, 
vanishes, if for 348 we substitute 345, as the date of the visit 
of Euphrates to Antioch. It may be added, that in Surius's 
Edition of the Council of Sardica, the Consuls of 344 are 
named in the title ; which is also the case in an ancient Ms. 
of the Collection of Mercator formerly contained in the 
Jesuit Library at Paris, though other chronological specifi- 
cations are added inconsistent with this date. 

What alterations in the chronology of the period seem to be 

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required by this and other notices contained in the fragment 
under consideration, will be seen by inspecting Mansi's table, 
a specimen of which shall presently be given. Here the dates 
set down by the Annalist himself shall be set before the reader. 

Entrance of S. Athanasius into Alexandria on his return from 

Italy. Oct. 21,346. 

Legation of five Bishops from S. Athanasius to Constans 

[Constantiusl at Milan. May 19, 353. 

Montanns the Palatine enters Alexandria, four days after, 
with Letters from the Emperor to S. Athanasius prohi- 
bitory of his legation. May 23, 353. 

Diogenes the Notary comes to Alexandria with a view 

of driving S. Athanasius from the city. end of July, 355. 

he was there 4 months from the intercalation (after July) 
to Dec. 22. 

Syrianus enters Alexandria. Jan. 5, 356. 

Breaks into the Church at night. Feb. 9, 356. 

George is driven from Alexandria. Oct. 2, 358. 

Death of S. Athanasius. May 3, 373. 

It does not fall within the scope of this Preface to enter 
into the Chronology of the Councils of Milan, upon which so 
much has been written. On the critics who have treated 
the subject and their respective judgments, vid. Pagi, ann. 
344. n. 4. 

3. Councils qf Sirmium. 

Something was said on the subject of the Councils of 
Sirmium, in the eighth Volume of the Library of the 
Fathers, p. 160, in course of enumerating the Sirmian and 
other Confessions. Mansi, however, was scarcely referred to; 
and Zaccaria who has written after him not at all. A few 
words will be sufficient to supply the omission. 

Socrates and Sozomen assign the condemnation of Pho- 
tinus at Sirmium to a Council held there in 351. Baronius, 
Sirmond, and Gothofred, consider them mistaken, and fix 
it in the year 357, towards or at the end of which, Constan- 
tius came to that place, and remained there through the greater 


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part or whole of 358, and part of 359, (Gothofred in Philost. 
p. 200. Mansi, Suppl. Cone. p. 182. ed. 1748.) Petavius, Tille- 
mont, S. Basnage, &c. speak of three Councils or Conferences 
of Sirmium, placing them respectively in 851, 857, and 359. 
Gothofred three, in 357, 358, 359. Mansi three, in 358, 359, 
359. Zaccaria makes in all five, viz. in 349, (in which indeed 
he follows Petavius,) 351, 357, (at which Hosius lapsed,) 357 
(following Valesius and Pagi,) and 359. The main point of 
dispute is, whether there are two dates for Sirmian Councils, 
351, and 357 — 9, or but one, and that, at the latter period, 
the former date, though assigned by Socrates, being in that 
case impossible ; and the main argument in favour of Baronius 
and Mansi, who assert that there was but one, is the improba- 
bility, be it great or be it little, that there should have been 
two Councils or Conferences in that city, of an ecumenical 
not local character, within a few years of each other. There 
does not seem much more to be said than this, against 
Petavius and other advocates for 351 and 357. 

This is evident from the mode in which Mansi draws out 
his argument. He urges that Socrates and Sozomen, the two 
writers who date the Council at 351, nevertheless state, that 
" George, Bishop of Alexandria," was present at it, that is, 
George of Cappadocia, who was not consecrated till 856, 
and was not driven from Alexandria till the end of August, 
(or Oct. 2, according to the Anonymus,) 358. The Council 
then was held towards the end of that year, a date at which we 
happen to know that Constantius was making a long stay at 
Sirmium. Such seems the utmost of Mansi's argument. Tille- 
mont had already urged the mention of George to shew that 
there was a Sirmian Council at a later date, but it does follow 
from thence, as Tillemont well understands, that still Fhotinus 
was not condemned at an earlier Council held in 351. Now the 
reasons for the latter opinion, with the replies made to them, 
are as follows: 1. Socrates dates in this place by naming the 
Consuls (of the foregoing year, — there were no Consuls in 351,) 
and is never wrong, according to Petavius, when he dates by 

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the Consuls* Man si, however, denies this, and Zaccaria con- 
cedes it, vid. also infr. p. xxi. 2. The Council of Sirmium, says 
Tillemont, was composed of Bishops of the East, yet held in 
Illyricum, all which agrees with the date 851, when the West 
was under the power of usurpers; Mansi accounts for the 
fact by alleging that the West had already declared its judg- 
ment in two Councils held against Photinus at Rome and 
Milan. 3. Basil of Ancyra, who was the life of the Council 
against Photinus, opposed himself at Ancyra to the Council 
of 357 or 358 ; which obliges us to distinguish between the 
two Councils. Mansi explains by stating, what was the fact, 
that there were two parties, Arians and Semi-Arians, at the 
Council, and that when the latter, of which Basil was the 
leader, left it, the former stayed and passed the Confes- 
sion which Hosius subscribed, and Basil, &c. at Ancyra repu- 
diated. 4. Germinius, who succeeded Photinus in the see 
of Sirmium, sat as Bishop as early as the Council of Milan, 
355; it is answered, that at least he was Bishop of Cyzicus 
before the deposition of Photinus. 5. Theodore, who 
subscribed the formulary against Photinus, was dead in 355, 
that is, if the Theodore who subscribed was the Bishop of 
Heraclea, and this formulary the confession which Liberius 
signed, vid. Hilar. Fragm. vi. 7. 6. Cecropius of Nicomedia, 
says Zaccaria against Mansi, though not against Baronius, 
was present at the Council, but he was killed in the earthquake 
in that city, August 28, 358. 7. Pagi too observes, that the 
disputation between Basil and Photinus was taken down, 
according to Epiphanius, Haer. 71. p. 829. by " Callicrates, 
registrar of Rufinus the Prefect;" now if Praetorian Prefect 
be meant, Rufinus was Prefect of Illyricum 349 — 352. Ex- 
ceptores or registrars were attached to all judges, Gothofr. 
Cod. Theod. t. 2. p. 459. but they are especially connected 
with Praetorian Prefects by Gothofred, ibid. Pancirollus 
Not. Dign. p. 36. and Lami Erud. Apost. p. 262. 


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4. Tlie year of S. Athanasius's death. 

Though there is nothing in the following Treatises which 
leads specially to a discussion of the year of S A th aliasing' s 
death ; yet since it is one of the principal points of contro- 
versy in a history which, as we have seen, abounds in 
chronological difficulties, and is closely connected with 
passages which occur below, it will not be out of place here 
to set down the opinions of various critics on the subject 
Many of them are collected together in Fontanini's Dis- 
sertation appended to his Historia Literaria Aquileiensis. 

Socrates places his death in the Consulate of Gratian ii. 
and Probus, that is, in 371 ; in which he is followed by 
Petavius; Hermant in his Life of S. Athanasius ; P. F. Chifflet, 
(upon Ep. Paulin. 29.) Paulin. Illustr. part. 2. c. 11. p. 150; 
Papebroke in vit. Ath. p. 248 ; and Sollerius (who answers 
Pagi and Montfaucon in a very disagreeable tone) de Patri- 
archis Alexandrinis, Act. SS. in t. 5. Jun. 

Baronius; Valesius (Theod. Hist. iv. 22.); Renaudot, Hist. 
Patriarch. Alex. p. 95 ; and Fontanini supr. adopt the date 
of 372, from the duration of his Episcopate being 46 years, 
(on which there is a general agreement,) and its commence- 
ment in 326. Sollerius too confesses, that of the two he 
should prefer 372 to 373, de Patr. Alex. n. 213. and it can 
hardly be doubted, that this date would have, what may be 
called, the second votes of the advocates both of 871 and 
of 873. 

Cardinal Noris in his Censur. in Not. Garner. (Opp. t. 3. 
p. 1178.) in correction of a former statement in his Hist. 
Pelag. in which he agreed with Baronius; his Editors the Bal- 
lerini in their Obss. p. 834 ; Bucherius (in Victor. Can. Pasch.) ; 
Pagi; Quesnel (Leon. Opp. t. 2. p. 1545. ed. Bailer.); Du Pin, 
making S. Athanasius's Episcopate " more than 48 years ;" 
Oudinus (in supplem. Script. Eccles.) ; Tillemont; Mont- 
faucon; Ceillier (Hist, des Aut. Eccles.); S. Basnage (Annal.); 
Le Quien (Or. Christ, t. 2. p. 400.); Scip. Maffei (Osserv. Lett. 

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t. 3.); and Mansi in the Dissertation quoted above, (though he 
speaks respectfully of Sollerius's objections, in Pag. Ann. 
372. 9.) argue in favour of 373. This last opinion, which 
Montfaucon is considered to have established, in his Vit. Ath. 
and a " Dissertatio de tempore mortis Alex. Ep. Alex, ac de 
anno ob. Athan. M." (which has not fallen in the way of the 
present writer,) is founded principally upon S. Proterius's 
Paschal Epistle. 

Little seems to be adduced in favour of 371, beyond the 
circumstance of Socrates mentioning the Consuls of that year, 
a mode of dating which, according to Baronius, may ordi- 
narily be trusted, (in Ann. 69. n. 36.) that is, in the case of 
public acts or contemporary events, as Montfaucon observes, 
Fontan. Diss. p. 444. Petavius, however, says, Socrates nun- 
quam temere, aut falso notas Consulares adhibet, dePhot. Haer. 
c. 2. p. 379; on this point, however, something has occurred 
above, p. xix. After alleging the evidence of Socrates, Solle- 
rius, who is the latest of the above advocates of the year 
371, does little more than attempt to adjust that date with 
other existing chronological data, and to refute objections. 

The most obvious difficulty in his hypothesis is, that 
Socrates himself, in the very passage in which he mentions 
the Consuls of 371, states that S. Athanasius was Bishop for 
46 years, which, since he did not succeed Alexander till 326, 
will bring the date of his death to 372 or 373. A contro- 
versy follows, whether his consecration was at the end of 
826, or at the beginning. S. Alexander died, according to 
the Coptite History, as late as April 17 (326); but according 
to Athanasius himself, infr. p. 88. and Theodoret, within five 
months after the reception of the Meletians, (which followed 
upon the termination of the Nicene Council, i. e. upon Aug. 
25, 325,) and therefore in the beginning of 326, or the end 
of 825. Epiphanius too reports, that S. Alexander died the 
year of the Nicene Council, Haer. 69. 11. (though he adds what 
invalidates his testimony, or rather turns it the other way ;) 
and his Festival is fixed in the Roman Martyrology on 

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Feb. 26. Next comes the question of the interval between 
Alexander's death and Athanasius's ordination, which Solle- 
rius of course wishes to curtail as much as possible. With 
this view he refers to the words of the Alexandrian Council, infr. 
p. 22, which he interprets to imply, that the vacancy in the 
see was immediately filled, and he maintains, after Papebroke, 
that the Greek Feast-Day of S. Athanasius, Jan. 18, was 
really the day of his consecration, i. e. in 326. However, 
though this be granted for argument's sake, even then the 
46 years of S. Athanasius's Episcopate extend to January 
372, i. e. beyond May 2, (his day of death,) 371. Nor can 
we suppose, that Socrates merely uses round numbers, when 
he speaks of 46 years, for S. Cyril expressly tells us, that 
Athanasius's Episcopate was " 46 whole years f and Theo- 
dore t, Sozomen, the Arabian writers, (Renaudot Hist. Patr. 
Alex. p. 96.) and others say the same thing. Yet Rufinus, 
who was in Egypt about the time of Athanasius's death, 
certainly says only, that he died in his 46th year. 

And here at first sight is an argument in favour of 372, 
rather than 373; Papebroke and Fontanini observe, that 
S. Athanasius would have been Bishop 47 not 46 years on 
supposition of the latter date. But this depends on the time 
of year at which his Episcopate commenced. Sollerius 
maintains above, that it dates from January 18 ; but Mont- 
faucon (in his Monitum in correction of his Vit. Athan.) and 
Tillemont place the death of S. Alexander on the 17th or 
18th of April, following the Jacobite Chronicon of Abraham 
Eckellensis, as above cited, and other Coptite, as well as 
Abyssinian Calendars. To the five months spoken of above 
by Athanasius and Theodoret, must in this case be added, 
as indeed is reasonable, the time consumed in the return of 
S. Alexander from Nicssa to Alexandria, and the proceedings 
in reconciliation of the Meletians, which will make up the 
whole interval between August 25, and the April following. 
Again, S. Athanasius's consecration does not seem to have 
followed immediately upon the death of his predecessor, infr. 

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p. 22. which will carry down the beginning of his Episcopate 
far into the year 326 ; and if we date it from the middle or 
the end, and much more if, as the Ballerini propose, we fix 
it on Jan. 18, 327, then 46 years and some months, or as it 
is natural that S. Cyril should express it, 46 whole years, will 
bring us to May 2, (the received day of his death,) 373. 
The known duration then of S. Athanasius's Episcopate does 
not decide between -372 and 373, being consistent with the 
latter date as well as with the former. Other arguments, 
decisive against 371, but available for both 372 and 373, are 
deducible from the date of the coming of Valens to Antioch, 
where, as Socrates tells us, he was staying at the time of 
S. Athanasius's death ; and of Melania's visit to Alexandria, 
when Athanasius gave her Macarius's sheep-skin, — a proof, 
says Montfaucon, that Athanasius was not dead then, a proof, 
says Fontanini, that he was dying. 

The direct evidence in favour of 373 has been men- 
tioned above. It consists in the Paschal Epistle of S. Pro- 
terius, a contemporary of S. Leo, which is contained in 
Petavius's Doctr. Temp. t. 2. who, however, p. 889. ed. 1627. 
as Sollerius and Fontanini after him, thinks the text corrupt 
and untrustworthy, as it evidently is in part. Sollerius also 
argues against it as irrelevant in its context, and unmeaning. 
It is confirmed by S. Jerome's Chronicon, which places Atha- 
nasius's death in the 10th year of Valens; and by the Coptite 
History, which, by dating it on a Thursday, fixes it in 373 ; 
and especially by Maffei's fragment, of which so much 
has been said above. Collateral evidence is gained from the 
date of the consecration of S. Basil 370, who, when he was 
Bishop, corresponded with S. Athanasius ; which, under the 
circumstances, could hardly have been the case, had Atha- 
nasius died in 372. Sollerius, however, suggests, that the 
Athanasius addressed by S. Basil was Athanasius of Ancyra, 
at one time an Arianizer, though afterwards zealous for 
orthodoxy, n. 250. 

It only remains to exhibit the historical events which have 

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come under review according to the respective chronologies 
which different critics have adopted. 

Dates according to Valesius, Schelstrate, Pagi, Montfaucon, 
Sam. Basnage. 


S. Athanasius returns from Gaul 337. V. 

338. 5. P. M. B. 

leaving Treves end of June, M. 
Three Eusebian Legates sent to Rome. 339, V. S. P. M. B. 

Council of Alexandria. 340. S.P.M.B. 

Council of the Dedication. 341. V. S. P. M. B. 

in beginning of Year, V. end of 340, till January 

341, S. before Sept. P. to anticipate Roman, 

Bar, not to anticipate Roman, & P. 
Entrance of Gregory into Alexandria. Lent. 341. V, P. M. B. 
Athanasius writes his Encyclical Letter. 341. M. 

in concealment, M . 

[in 356 according to V. S. P.] 
S. Athanasius escapes to Rome. 341. V. S. P. M, B. 

March or April, S. P. after Easter, (April 19,) V. 

May M. after Council of Dedication, P. 
Legates set out from Rome to the Eusebians. 341. V, S. P. B. 

before Athanasius arrives there, and in 

beginning of Year, V. 
after Athanasius's arrival, in March or April, 

S. P. May, M. 
Legates arrive at Antioch. 341. S. P. 

in April or May or June, S. in June, P. 
Legates set out from Antioch. 342. V. S. M. B. 

January, S, B. M. 

they return in March or April, <S. 
Council of Rome, in which Athanasius is acquitted. 342. V. S. P. M. B. 

October, S. B. or November, M. 
The Pope's Letter to the Eusebians. 342. V. M. B. M. 

Baronius and Petavius. 
Athanasius returns from Gaul. 338. B. P. 

The three Eusebian Legates, Macarius, &c. sent 

to Rome. 339. B. P. 

Council of Alexandria. 339. B. 

The Legates sent from the Pope to the Eusebians. 340. B. 

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Athanasius comes to Rome (first time) beginning of 340. B. P. 
Council of the Dedication at Antioch, 341. B. P. 

to anticipate Roman Council, B. 
First Council of Rome, in which Athanasius is 

acquitted. 341. B. P. 

Athanasius returns immediately to Alexandria, 341. B. P, 

end of year, or beginning of next, B. 
Eusebians send back the Legates. 341. B. P. 

after the Council of Rome, B. before it, P. 
Entrance of Gregory into Alexandria, Lent 342. B. P. 
Athanasius retreats from Alexandria into a place 

of concealment. 342. B. P. 

He writes his Encyclical Letter. 342. B* 

The Pope's Legates return to Rome. 342. B, 

Second Council of Rome. 342. B. 

The Pope's Letter to the Eusebians. 342. B. 

Athanasius comes to Rome (second time). 342. B* P. 

Papebroke, Tillemont. 

S. Athanasius returns from Gaul. 338. P. T. 

The three Eusebian Legates sent to Rome. 339. T. 
Council of Alexandria. 339. P. T. 

S. Athanasius goes to Rome. 339. P. T* 

and his 18 months begin, T. September, P. 
The Legates sent from the Pope to the Eusebians, 340. T. 

immediately after Sept. 339. P. 
S. Athanasius returns to Alexandria, end of 340. P. T. 
Council of the Dedication. 341. P. T. 

beginning of Year, T* 

before September, T. 
Entrance of Gregory into Alexandria, Lent. 341. P. T. 
S. Athanasius writes his Encyclical Letter. 341. P. T. 
He leaves Alexandria and retreats to Rome. 341. P. T. 

after Easter, T. 
The Pope's Legates leave Antioch. 341. P. T. 

in June not January, P. T. 
Council of Rome, June 341. P. T. 

opened before return of Legates, P. 

sitting till August or September, T. 
The Pope's Letter to the Eusebians. 34L T. 

. August or September, T. 

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Entrance of Gregory into Alexandria. Lent, 340. 

S. Athanasius leaves Alexandria for a place of concealment. May, 340. 
He goes to Rome. June, 340. 

Council of the Dedication. August, 341. 

Council of Rome. End of 341. 


Macrostich is drawn up by Arian Council 

of Antioch. 344. 

It is rejected by the Westerns in the 

Council of Milan. 344. 
when the Arian Legates leave the As- 
sembly in anger. 344. 

Council of Sardica. 347. 
Sardican Legates at Antioch. Easter, 348. 
Death of the usurper Gregory, Jan. or Feb. 349. 
Council of Cologne deposes Euphrates. 346. 
Council of Milan against Photinus, at 

which Valens and Ursacius appear. 350. 
Council of Jerusalem. 350. 
S. Athanasius returns to Alexandria. 350. 

First Sirmian Council against Photinus. 357. 
Montanus comes to Alexandria. 351. 

Diogenes the Notary attempts to drive 

S. Athanasius from Alexandria. 354. 

Irruption of Syrianus into the Church,Feb.9. 356. 
George is driven from Alexandria. 357. 

Second Sirmian Council or Conference, in 
which was passed the '* blasphemia,"^ 
vol. 8. p 161. 307°. 

Council of Ancyra just before Easter. 357. 

Third Sirmian Council or Conference. 357. 


Pag, Mont. Tillem. Mans. 

end of 













end of 

































353 , 



end of May 

Council of Ariminum, July 21. 
Death of S. Athanasius, May % 

355. 355. 355. 355. 

end of July. 

356. 356. 356. 356. 

358. 358. 

Oct. 2. 

End of 

357. 357. 357. 359. 

358. 358. 359. 

358. 359. 359. 359. 

May 22. 

359. 359. 359. 359. 
373. 373. 373 373. 


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Before concluding, it is necessary to observe, that in the 
references in the notes or margin, S. Athanasius's Works are 
designated by their Latin titles for the sake of clearness ; and 
" Hist. Arian." is the same work as " ad Mon." There is 
some unavoidable irregularity in the mode of reference to 
former Volumes of this series, e. g. "Libr. F." with the 
Volume specified, is equivalent to " Oxf. Tr."' or " O. T." 
or to the name of the Treatise with " Tr." added. Also the 
reference is sometimes made according to pages, sometimes 
according to sections &c. Consistency has not been thought 
of much consequence in a matter of this kind, where clear- 
ness and conciseness of reference were rather to be consulted 
in each particular case. 

Also it may be right to refer the reader to a Letter 
addressed to M ontfaucon on the words SaXXcov, or " boughs," 
infr. p. 270. in the Collectio Nova (t. ii. in Cosm. p. 18); and 
to a note of Quesnel's on S. Leo, (t. 3. p. xlvii. ed. Bailer.) 
who observes, that Siscia, infr. p. 60. is not a province, but 
the city of that name in Pannonia. 

And it should be added to page 13, that Tillemont dates 
the Apologia contra Arian. not earlier than A.D. 356. arguing 
from the mention of the banishment of Liberius and Hosius. 
Also in note g, p. 49, justice is not done to Baronius's view 
of Athanasius's double journey to Rome, as the foregoing 
pages will shew. And in p. 76, note m, Thomassin is 
quoted not to corroborate Febronius's interpretation, but 

Also in p. 46, Valesius Obss. Eccles. i. 2. p. 174. under- 
stands Eusebius himself by ol wegl E&rejSiov §. 26. Mont- 
faucon observes, that Eusebius alone is spoken of in §. 1. 
He adds, " res hie in dubio versatur." Baronius adduces 
the phrase as used in the Encyclical Letter in proof that it 
was written while Eusebius was still alive, but Valesius 
denies the argument on grammatical grounds, Obss. Eccl. i. 
7 fin. Montfaucon, however, observes, in his Monitum pre- 
fixed to that Letter, that in matter of fact the phrase is never 

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used by S. Athanasius of Eusebius's party after E.'s death, 
but always xoivan) rm TfjJ E. or xAjjgo'vo/fcoi 1% dctfitlas tow E. 

Also with reference to the subject of note n, p. 77. it should 
be observed, that the majority of critics side with Du Cange 
against Gothofred on the meaning of the word Canalis. 
" Those Bishops," says Baronius, were " in Canalio, qui 
sedes haberent in cursu publico, via scilicet qui equi publici 
per stationes singulas dispositi essent ad iter agendum." An. 
347. 55. " Qui praeerant sacris urbium, quae regiae vise 
insidebant," sa y s Noris, professing his agreement with 
Baronius, Opp. t. 4. p. 623. Rtiscus also, " qui sedes 
habent in cursu publico," in voc. So also Kiesling, adding, 
" intelliguntur hoc nomine urbes, seu potius civitates, in 
quibus Episcopi sedem habuerunt fixam." de Discipl. Cleric, 
p. 13. Beveridge reports Zonaras and Balsamon as furnish- 
ing the same interpretation ; " cities which are in the public 
ways, or canal, through which travellers pass without trouble, 
as water flows in an aqueduct." Pandect, t. 1. p; 507. 

For the Translation, the Editors have to express their 
acknowledgments to the Rev. Miles Atkinson, M.A. late 
Fellow of Lincoln College. 

J. H. N. 

Dec. 4, 1843. 

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1. Encyclical Epistle, addressed to all Bishops every where, 

A.D. 341. (Ep.Encycl.) 1 

2. Apology against the Arians, written about A.D. 350. 

(Apol. contr. Arian.) 13 

3. Encyclical Epistle, addressed to the Bishops of Egypt 

and Libya, A. D. 356. {ad Ep. Mg.) 125 

4. Apology addressed to the Emperor Constantius, A.D. 356. 

{ad Constant or Ap. ad Canst) 154 

5. Apology for his flight, A. D. 357 or 358. {de Fug.) 189 

6. Epistle to Serapion concerning the death of Arius, 

A.D. 358—360. {ad Serap. de Mort Ar.) 210 

7. Epistle to the Monks, A.D. 358, or later. {Ep. ad Mon.) 215 

8. History of the Arians, written A. D. 358 — 360. 

{ad Mon. or Hist Avian.) 219 
Appendix. S. Alexander's Deposition of Arius, and Ency- 
clical Epistle, A.D. 321. {Alex. Encycl. Ep.) 297 

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[S. Athanasius wrote the following Epistle in the year 341. In that year 
the Eusebians held the famous Council of the Dedication at Antioch, 
vid. Athan. de Syn. §. 25. (Libr. F. vol. 8. p. 109, &c.) Here they 
appointed Gregory to the see of Alexandria in the place of Athanasius, 
whom they had already condemned and denounced at the Synod of Tyre, 
A.D. 335. Gregory was by birth a Cappadocian, and, (if Nazianzen 
speaks of the same Gregory, which some critics doubt,) studied at 
Alexandria, where S. Athanasius had treated him with great kindness 
and familiarity, though Gregory afterwards took part in propagating the 
calumny against him of having murdered Arsenius. Gregory was on his 
appointment dispatched to Alexandria with Philagrius Prefect of Egypt, 
and their proceedings on their arrival are related in the following Encyclical 
Epistle, which S. Athanasius forwarded immediately upon his retreat 
from the city to all the Bishops of the Catholic Church. It is less correct 
in style, as Tillemont observes, than other of his works, as if composed 
in haste. In the Editions previous to the Benedictine, it was called 
an " Epistle to the Orthodox every where ;" but Montfaucon has 
been able to restore the true title. He has been also able from his 
MSS. to make a far more important correction, which has cleared up 
some very perplexing difficulties in the history. All the Editions 
previous to the Benedictine read " George" throughout for " Gregory," 
and " Gregory" in the place where " Pistus" occurs. Baronius, Tille- 
mont, &c. had already made the alterations from the necessity of the 

To his fellow-Ministers 1 in every place, beloved Lords, l «axu- 
Athanasius sends health in the Lord. 

1. Our sufferings have been dreadful beyond endurance, §. 1. 
and it is impossible to describe them in suitable terms; but 


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•2 Tlte outrages exercised towards the Levite's wife 

Encyc. in order that the dreadful nature of the events which have 

- taken place may be more readily apprehended, I have thought 

it good to bring to your notice a history out of the Scriptures. 

I9 d ?9 na PP ene( * tnat a certaul Levite was injured in the person 
9 ' of his wife ; and, when he considered the exceeding greatness 
of the pollution, (for the woman was a Hebrew, and of the 
tribe of Judah,) being astounded at the outrage which had 
been committed against him, he divided his wife's body, as 
the Holy Scripture relates in the Book of Judges, and sent a 
part of it to every tribe in Israel, in order that it might be 
understood that an injury like this pertained not to himself 
only, but extended to all alike; and that, if the people 
sympathised with him in his sufferings, they might avenge 
him ; or if they neglected to do so, might bear the disgrace 
of being considered thenceforth as themselves guilty of the 
wrong. The messengers whom he sent related what had 
happened; and they that heard and saw it, declared that 
such things had never been done from the day that the 
children of Israel came up out of Egypt. So every tribe of 
l#rael was moved, and all came together against the offenders, 
as though they had themselves been the sufferers; and at 
last the perpetrators of this iniquity were destroyed in war, 

Uw^and became a curse 1 in the mouths of all: for the assembled 
people considered not their kindred blood, but regarded only 
the crime they had committed. You know the history, 
brethren, and the particular account of the circumstances 
given in Scripture. I will not therefore describe them more 
in detail, since I write to persons acquainted with them, and 
as I am anxious to represent to your piety our present 
circumstances, which are even worse than those to which 
I have referred. For my object in reminding you of this 
history is this, that you may compare those ancient trans- 
actions with what has happened to us now, and perceiving 
how much these last exceed the other in cruelty, may be 
filled with greater indignation on account of them, than were 
the people of old against those offenders. 

2. For the treatment we have undergone, surpasses the bitter- 
ness of any persecution ; and the calamity of the Levite was 
but small, when compared with the enormities which have 
now been committed against the Church ; or rather such 

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only a shadow of those against the Church by the Avians. 3 

deeds as these were never before heard of in the whole Tn.I.i. 
world, or the like experienced by any one. In that case 
it was but a single woman that was injured, and one Levite 
who suffered wrong ; now the whole Church is injured, the 
priesthood insulted, and worst of all, piety 1 is persecuted by UM/ks*, 
impiety. On that occasion the tribes were astounded, each 
at the sight of part of the body of one woman ; but now the vi d. vol. 
members of the whole Church are seen divided from one^^ 1 ' 
another, and are sent abroad some to you, and some to 
others, bringing word of the insults and injustice which they 
have suffered. Be ye therefore also moved, I beseech you, 
considering that these wrongs are done unto you no less 
than unto us ; and let every one lend his aid, as feeling that 
he is himself a sufferer, lest shortly the Ecclesiastical Canons, 
and the faith of the Church be corrupted. For both are 
in danger, unless God shall speedily by your hands amend 
what has been done amiss, and the Church be avenged on 
her enemies. For our Canons* and our forms were not given 
to the Churches at the present day, but were wisely and 
safely transmitted to us from our forefathers. Neither had 
our faith its beginning at this time, but it came down to us 
from the Lord through His disciples b . That therefore the 
ordinances which have been preserved in the. Churches from 
old time until now, may not be lost in our days, and the 
trust which has been committed to us required at our 
hands ; rouse yourselves, brethren, as being stewards of the 
mysteries of God, and seeing them now seized upon by 
aliens. Further particulars of our condition you will learn 
from the bearers of our letters ; but I was anxious myself to 
write you a brief account thereof, that you may know for 
certain, that such things have never before been committed 
against the Church, from the day that our Saviour, when He 
was taken up, gave command to His disciples, saying, Go ye, Mat.28, 
and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the 19# 
name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy 

* vid. Beveridg. Cod. Can. Illustr. i. 
3. $. 2. who comments on this passage 
at length. Allusion is also made to the 
Canons in Apol. contr. Arian. §. 69. 


b vid. Athan. de Syn. §. 4. (Oxf.Tr. 
p. 78, and note o.) Orat. i. $. 8. (ibid, 
p. 191.) Tertull. Pr®scr. Har. §. 29. 
(O. T. p. 462, and note c.) 

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4 Gregory forced into the see of Alexandria 

Encyc. 3. Now the outrages which have been committed against 
- ^ BTT * us, and against the Church are these. While we were holding 
^' our assemblies in peace, as usual, and while the people were 
rejoicing in them, and advancing in godly conversation, and 
while our fellow-ministers in Egypt, and the Thebais, and 
Libya, were in love and peace both with one another and 
with us; on a sudden the Prefect of Egypt puts forth a 
public letter, bearing the form of an edict, and declaring that 
one Gregory from Cappadocia was coming to be my successor, 
supported by his own body-guard. This announcement 
confounded every one, for such a proceeding was entirely 
novel, and now heard of for the first time. The people 
however assembled still more constantly in the Churches 6 , 
for they very well knew that neither they themselves, nor any 
Bishop or Presbyter, nor in short any one had ever complained 
against me ; and they saw that Arians only were on his side, 
and were aware also that he was himself an Arian, and was 
sent by the Eusebians to the Arian party. For you know, 
brethren, that the Eusebians have always been the supporters 
^•^•-and associates of the impious heresy of the Arian fanatics 1 , 
vS^Ath-ky whose means they have ever carried on their designs 
Oxf.Tr. against me, and were the authors of my banishment into 

viii. p. - . 
91, note vraul. 

4. The people, therefore, were justly indignant and exclaimed 
against the proceeding, calling the rest of the magistrates and 
the whole city to witness, that this novel and iniquitous 
attempt was now made against the Church, not on the 
ground of any charge brought against me by Ecclesiastical 
persons, but through the wanton assault of the Arian heretics. 
For even if there had been any complaint generally prevailing 
against me, it was not an Arian, or one professing Arian 
doctrines, that ought to have been chosen to supersede me ; 
but according to the Ecclesiastical Canons, and the direction 
of Paul, when the people were gathered together, and the 

• Assembling in the Churches seems 
to have been a sort of protest or de- 
monstration, sometimes peaceably, but 
sometimes in a less exceptionable man- 
ner; — peaceably, during Justina's per- 
secution at Milan. Arabros. En. i. 20. 
August. Confess, ix. 16. but at Ephesus 

after the third Ecumenical Council the 
Metropolitan shut up the Churches, 
took possession of the Cathedral, and 
succeeded in repelling the imperial 
troops. Churches were asylums, vid. 
Cod. Theodos. ix. 45. $. 4. &c. at the 
same time arms were prohibited. 

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by the Eusebians and the Prefect of Egypt. 5 

spirit of them that ordain, with the power of our Lord Jesus Tr.1.2 . 
Christy all things ought to have been enquired into and trans- 
acted canonically, in the presence of those among the laity and 
clergy who demanded the change ; and not that a person brought 
from a distance by Arians, as if making a traffic of the title 
of Bishop, should with the support and strong arm of heathen 
magistrates, thrust himself upon those who neither demanded 
nor desired his presence, nor indeed knew any thing of what 
had been done. Such proceedings tend to the dissolution of 
all Ecclesiastical rules, and compel the heathen to blaspheme, 
and to suspect that our appointments are not made according 
to a divine rule, but as a matter of traffic and patronage l . 1 O. T. 

5. Thus was this notable appointment of Gregory brought i9o, P " 
about by the Arians, and such was the beginning of it. n £ tec - 
And what outrages he committed on his entry into Alex- 3 * 
andria, and of what great evils that event was the cause, you 
may learn both from our letters, and by enquiry of those 
who travel among you. While the people were offended at 
such an unusual proceeding, and in consequence assembled 

in the Churches, in order to prevent the impiety of the 
Arians from mingling itself with the faith of the Church, 
Philagrius who has long been a persecutor of the Church 
and her virgins, and is now Prefect* of Egypt, an apostate 
already, and a fellow-countryman of Gregory, a man too of 
no respectable character, and moreover supported by the 
Eusebians, and therefore full of zeal against the Church ; 
this person, by means of promises which he afterwards 
fulfilled, succeeded in gaining over the heathen multitude, 
with the Jews and disorderly persons, and having excited 
their passions, sent them in a body with swords and clubs 
into the Churches to attack the people. 

6. What followed upon this it is by no means easy to de- 
scribe: indeed it is not possible to set before you a just re- 
presentation of the circumstances, nor even could one recount 
a small part of them without tears and lamentations. Have 
such deeds as these ever been made the subjects of tragedy 

d The Prefect of Egypt was called Senatorian order. He was the imperial 

Augustalis as having been first ap- officer, as answering to Propraetors in 

pointed by Augustus, after his victories the Imperial Provinces, vid. Hofman. 

over Antony. He was of the Eques- in voc. 
trian, not, as other Prefects, of the 

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6 The Church, Baptistery, and Altar, profaned. 

Encyc. among the ancients? or has the like ever happened before 
Lett. j n t j me Q £ p ersecut j on or 0 f war ? The Church and the holy 

Baptistery were set on fire, and straightway groans, shrieks, 
and lamentations, were heard through the city; while the 
citizens in then* indignation at these enormities, cried shame 
upon the governor, and protested against the violence used 
to them. For the holy and undefined virgins" were stripped 
naked, and suffered treatment which is not to be named, and if 
they resisted, they were in danger of their lives. Monks were 
trampled under foot and perished ; some were hurled headlong; 
others were destroyed with swords and clubs ; others were 
wounded and beaten. And oh ! what deeds of impiety and 
iniquity were committed upon the Holy Table ! They offered 
birds and pine cones f in sacrifice, singing the praises of their 
idols, and blaspheming even in the very Churches our Lord and 
Saviour Jesus Christ, the Son of the living God. They burned 
the books of Holy Scripture which they found in the Church; 
and the Jews, the murderers of our Lord, and the godless 
heathen entering irreverently (O strange boldness !) the holy 
Baptistery, stripped themselves naked, and acted such a 
disgraceful part, both by word and deed, as one is ashamed 
even to relate. Certain impious men also, following the 
examples set them in the bitterest persecutions, seized upon 
the virgins, and widows, and having tied their hands together, 
dragged them along, and endeavoured to make them blas- 
pheme and deny the Lord ; and when they refused to do so, 
they beat them violently and trampled them under foot. 
§.4. 7. In addition to all this, after such a notable and illustrious 
entry into the city, the Arian Gregory, taking pleasure in 
these calamities, and as if desirous to secure to the heathens 
and Jews, and those who had wrought these evils upon us, 
a prize and price of their iniquitous success, gave up the 
Church to be plundered by them. Upon this licence of 
iniquity and disorder, their deeds were worse than in time of 
war, and more cruel than those of robbers. Some of them 

« The sister of S. Antony was one f The or suffitus of Grecian 

of the earliest known inmates of a nun- sacrifices generally consisted of portions 

nery, vit. Ant. §. 2. 3. They were of odoriferous trees, vid. Potter. Antiqu. 

called hy the Catholic Church hy the ii. 4. Some translate the word here 

title, " Spouse of Christ." Apol. ad used, (r«p0/XM*,) " shell-fish." 
Const. §.33. 

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Laity wounded, Nuns scourged. Monks trampled underfoot. 7 

plundered whatever fell in their way; others divided among Tr. 1.4. 
themselves the sums which individuals had laid up there*; 
the wine, of which there was a large quantity, they either 
drank or emptied out or carried away ; they plundered the 
store of oil, and every one took as his spoil the doors andij >T - TW# 
chancel rails; the candlesticks they forthwith laid aside in*'V(?) 
the wall and lighted the candles of the Church before their 
idols : in a word, rapine and death pervaded the Church. ^^° ns * 

8. And the impious 8 Arians, so far from feeling shame that Const.ii. 
such things should be done, added yet further outrages and^J^ 16 " 
cruelty. Presbyters and laymen had their flesh torn, virgins p. 615. 
were stripped of their veils 3 , and led away to the tribunal of the id°™ 0 f 
governor, and then cast into prison ; others had their goods navi8 or 
confiscated, and were scourged; the bread of the ministers 2 

and virgins was intercepted. And these things were done&ft- 
even during the holy season of Lent h , about the time of^^j^ 
Easter ; a time when the brethren were keeping fast, while «*•• 
this notable person Gregory exhibited the disposition of a 
Caiaphas, and, together with that Pilate the Governor, 
furiously raged against the pious worshippers of Christ. 
Going into one of the Churches on the Preparation 1 , in 
company with the Governor and the heathen multitude, 
when he saw that the people regarded with abhorrence his 
forcible entry among them, he caused that most cruel person, 
the Governor, publicly to scourge in one hour, four and 
thirty virgins and married women, and men of rank, and to 
cast them into prison. Among whom there was one virgin, 
who, being fond of reading, had the Psalter in her hands, at 
the time when he caused her to be publicly scourged: the 
book was seized by the officers, and the virgin herself shut 
up in prison. 

9. When all this was done, they did not stop even here ; §. 5. 
but consulted how they might act the same part in the other 

* Churches, as heathen temples be- 
fore them, were used for deposits. At 
the sack of Rome, Alaric spared the 
Churches and their possessions ; nay, 
he himself transported the costly vessels 
of St Peter into his Church. 

h Lent and Passion Week was the 
season during which Justina's perse- 
cution of St. Ambrose took place, and 

the proceedings against St. Chrysostom 
at Constantinople. On the Paschal 
Vigils, vid. Tertull. ad Uxor. ii. 4. 
p. 426, note n. Oxf. Tr. 

* «*«gorxfv&, i. e. Good Friday. The 
word was used for Friday generally as 
early as S. Clem. Alex. Strom, vii. 
p. 877. ed. Pott. vid. Constit. Apostol. 
v. 13. Pseudo-Ign. ad Philipp. 13. 

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8 In consequence Athanasius withdraws from the city. 

Encyc. Church, where I principally abode during those days; and 
they were eager to extend their fury 1 to this Church also, in 
order that they might hunt out and dispatch me. And this 
would have been my fate, had not the grace of Christ 
assisted me, if it were only that I might escape to relate 
these few particulars concerning their conduct For seeing 
that they were exceedingly mad against me, and being 
anxious that the Church should not be injured, nor the 
virgins that were in it suffer, nor additional murders be 
committed, nor the people again outraged, I withdrew 
myself from among them, remembering the words of our 
Mat. 10, Saviour, If they persecute you in this city f flee ye into 
another. I judged from the mischief they had done to one 
Church, that there was no outrage they would forbear to 
perpetrate against the other, especially since they had not 
* Easter reverenced even the Lord's day* on this holy Festival, but 
ay " on that day when our Lord delivered all men from the bonds 
of death, they had shut up in prison the people of His 
Church; and Gregory and his associates, as if fighting 
against our Saviour, and depending upon the support of 
the Governor, had turned into mourning this day of liberty 
to the servants of Christ. The heathens were rejoiced to do 
this, for they abhor that day ; and Gregory perhaps did but 
fulfil the commands of the Eusebians, when he forced the 
Christians to mourn under the infliction of bonds. 

10. With these acts of violence has the Governor seized 
upon the Churches, and has given them up to Gregory and the 
Arian fanatics. Thus, those persons who were excommuni- 
cated by us for their impiety, now glory in the plunder of our 
Churches ; while the people of God, and the Clergy of the 
Catholic Church are compelled either to have communion 
with the impiety of the Arian heretics, or else to forbear 
entering into them. Moreover, by means of the Governor 
Gregory has exercised no small violence towards the cap- 
tains of ships and others who pass over sea, torturing and 
scourging some, putting others in bonds, and casting them 
into prison, in order to oblige them not to resist his iniquities, 
3 i.e.let-and to convey letters* from him. And not satisfied with all 
com. this, that he may glut himself with my blood, he has caused 
munion. his savage associate the Governor, to prefer an indictment 

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Hie persecution worse than in heathen times. 9 

against me, as in the name of the people, before the most Tb. 1.5. 
religious Emperor Constantius, which contains such odious 
charges, that if they were true, I ought not only to be 
banished, but should deserve to suffer a thousand deaths. 
The person who drew it up is ah apostate from Christianity, 
and a shameless worshipper of idols, and they who sub- 
scribed it are heathens, and keepers of idol temples, and 
others of them Arians. In short, not to make my letter 
tedious to you, a persecution rages here, and such a perse- 
cution as was never before raised against the Church. For 
in former instances a man at least might pray while he fled 
from his persecutors, and be baptized while he lay in con- 
cealment. But now their extreme cruelty has imitated the 
godless conduct of the Babylonians. For as they falsely 
accused Daniel, so does the notable Gregory now accuse 
before the Governor those who pray in their houses, and 
watches every opportunity to insult their ministers, so that 
through his violent conduct, the souls of many are endangered 
from missing baptism, and many who are in sickness and sor- 
row have no one to visit them, a calamity which they bitterly* 
lament, accounting it worse than their sickness. For while 
the ministers of the Church are under persecution, the people 
who condemn the impiety of the Arian heretics choose 
rather thus to be sick and to run the risk, than that a hand of 
the Arians should come upon their heads. 

11. Gregory then is an Arian, and has been sent to the §. 6. 
Arian party ; for none demanded him, but they only ; and 
accordingly as a hireling and a stranger, he makes use of the 
Governor to inflict these dreadful and cruel deeds upon the 
people of the Catholic Churches, as not being his own. 
For since Pistus, whom the Eusebians formerly appointed 
over the Arians, was justly anathematized and excommuni- 
cated for his impiety by you the Bishops of the Catholic 
Church, as you all know, on our writing to you concerning 
him, they have now, therefore, in like manner sent this 
Gregory to them ; and lest they should a second time be put 
to shame, by our again writing against them, they have em- 
ployed foreign force against me, in order that, having obtained 
possession of the Churches, they may seem to have escaped 
all suspicion of being Arians. But in this too they have 

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10 Sufferings of Alexandria are sufferings of Ute whole Church 

Encyc. been mistaken, for none of the people of the Church are 
Lett * with them, except the heretics only, and those who have 
been excommunicated for their crimes, and such as have 
been compelled by the Governor to dissemble. 

12. This then is the plot of the Eusebians, which they have 
long been devising and bringing to bear; and now have 
succeeded in accomplishing through the false charges which 
they have made against me before the Emperor. Notwith- 
standing, they are not yet content to be quiet, but even now 
seek to kill me ; and they make themselves so formidable to 
my friends, that they are all driven into banishment, and 
expect death at their hands. But you must not for this 
stand in awe of their iniquity, but on the contrary avenge: 
and shew your indignation at this their unprecedented 
conduct against me. For if when one member suffers all the 
members suffer with it, and, according to the blessed Apostle, 
we ought to weep with them that weep, let every one, now 
that so great a Church as this is suffering, avenge its wrongs, 
as though he were himself the sufferer. For we have a 
common Saviour, who is blasphemed by them, and Canons 
belonging to us all, which they are transgressing. If while 
any of you had been sitting in your Church, and while the 
people were assembled with you, without any blame, some 
one had suddenly come under plea of an edict to be your 
successor, and had acted the same part towards you, would 
you not have been indignant? would you not have demanded 
to be righted ? If so, then it is right that you should be 
indignant now, lest if these things be passed over unnoticed, 
the same mischief shall by degrees extend itself to every 
Church, and so our schools of religion be turned into a 
market-house and an exchange. 
§. 7. 13. You are acquainted with the history of the Arian 
fanatics, beloved, for you have often, both individually and 
in a body, condemned their impiety; and you know also that 
the Eusebians, as I said before, are engaged in the same 
heresy ; for the sake of which they have long been carrying 
on a conspiracy against me. And I have represented to 
you, what has now been done, both for them and by them, 
with greater cruelty than is usual even in time of war, in order 
that after the example set before you in the history which I 

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Eusebians really Avians, though they affect a middle line. 11 

related at the beginning, you may entertain a zealous hatred Tr.1.7. 
of their wickedness, and reject those who have committed 
such enormities against the Church. If the brethren at 
Rome last year, before these things had happened, and on 
account of their former misdeeds, wrote letters to call a 
Council, that these evils might be set right, (fearing which, 
the Eusebians took care previously to throw the Church into 
confusion, and desired to destroy me, in order that they 
might thenceforth be able to act as they pleased without 
fear, and might have no one to call them to account ;) how 
much more ought you now to be indignant at these outrages, 
and to condemn them, seeing they have added this to their 
former misconduct. 

14. T beseech you, overlook not such proceedings, nor 
suffer the famous Church of the Alexandrians to be trodden 
down by heretics. In consequence of these things the 
people and their ministers are separated from one another, 
as one might expect, silenced by the violence of the Prefect, 
yet abhorring the impiety of the Arian fanatics. If iherefore 
Gregory shall write unto you, or any other in his behalf, 

^ receive not his letters, brethren, but tear them in pieces and 
^ put the bearers of them to shame, as the ministers of impiety 
and wickedness. And even if he presume to write to you after a 
friendly fashion, nevertheless receive them not. Those who 
bring his letters convey them only from fear of the Governor, 
and on account of his frequent acts of violence. And since 
it is probable that the Eusebians will write to you concerning 
him, I was anxious to admonish you beforehand, so that you 
may herein imitate God, who is no respecter of persons, and 
may drive out from before you those that come from them ; 
because for the sake of the Arian fanatics they caused 
persecutions, rape of virgins, murders, plunder of the 
Church's property, burnings and blasphemies in the Churches, 
to be committed by the heathens and Jews at such a season. 
The impious and mad Gregory cannot deny that he is an 
Arian, being proved to be so by the person who writes his 
letters. This is his secretary Ammon, who was cast out of 
the Church long ago by my predecessor the blessed Alex- 
ander for his many crimes and for his impiety. 

15. For all these reasons, therefore, vouchsafe to send me a 

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12 Conclusion. 

Encyc. reply, and condemn these impious men; so that even now 
^^' the ministers and people of this place, seeing your orthodoxy 
and hatred of wickedness, may rejoice in your concord in the 
Christian faith, and that those who have been guilty of these 
lawless deeds against the Church may be reformed by your 
letters, and brought at last, though late, to repentance. 
Salute the brotherhood that is among you. All the brethren 
that are with me salute you. Fare ye well, and remember 
me, and the Lord preserve you continually, most truly beloved 

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[The following Apoldgy, or Defence of his conduct, was written by S. Atha* 
nasius between A.D. 349 — 352, after his return from his second exile 
upon the Council of Sardica. It is scarcely more than a collection of 
exculpatory documents, which might serve as a record of his innocence. 
These documents extend from A.D. 300, to A.D. 350, of which those 
between 340 and 350, are placed first. " This Apology," says Mont- 
faucon, " is the most authentic source of the history of the Church in the 
first half of the fourth century. Athanasius is far superior to any other 
historians of the period, both from his bearing for the most part a 
personal testimony to the facts he relates, and from his great accuracy 
and use of actual documents. On the other hand, Ruffinus, Socrates, 
Sozomen, Theodoret, must not be used without extreme caution, unless 
they adduce documents, which is seldom the case." He proceeds to give 
instances ; for this reason it will not be worth while in this work, nor was 
it in the foregoing, to compare Athanasius's statements with those of 
other historians, or to use the latter except in connecting the line of the 
narrative. The charges which he notices are as follow : — that he had been 
clandestinely consecrated; that he had imposed a duty on Egyptian 
linen ; that he had assisted Philumenus with money, when in rebellion 
against the Emperor ; that he had sanctioned the overthrow of a Com- 
munion Table and breaking of one of the Communion Vessels ; that he 
had killed a Meletian Bishop named Arsenius ; that he had been the 
cause of many executions or murders after his return from Gaul ; that he 
had sold for his own benefit the corn bestowed by Constantine on the widows 
of the Church, and that he had stopped the supplies of corn intended for 


1. I supposed that, after so many proofs of my innocence 
had been given, my enemies would have shrunk from further 

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14 Three acquittal* of Athanasius, 

Apol. enquiry, and would now have condemned themselves for their 
AQ ' R * false accusations of others. But as they are not yet abashed, 
though they have been so clearly convicted, but, as insensible 
to shame, persist in their slanderous reports against me, pro- 
fessing to think that the whole matter ought to be tried over 
again, (not that they may have judgment passed on them, for 
that they avoid, but in order to harass me, and to disturb the 
minds of the simple;) I therefore thought it necessary to make 
my defence unto you, that you may listen to their murmurings 
no longer, but may denounce their wickedness and base 
calumnies. And it is only to you, who are men of sincere 
minds, that I offer a defence : as for the contentious, 1 appeal 
confidently to the decisive proofs which I have against 
them. For my cause needs not a second judgment; which 
has already been given, and not once or twice only, but 
many times. First of all, it was tried in my own country 
in an assembly of nearly one hundred of its Bishops'; 
a second time at Rome, when, in consequence of Letters 
from Eusebius, both they and we were summoned, and 
more than fifty Bishops met b ; and a third time in the 
great Council assembled at Sardica* by order of the most 
religious Emperors Constantius and Constans, when my 
enemies were degraded as false accusers, and the sentence 
that was passed in my favour received the suffrages of more 
than three hundred Bishops, out of the provinces of Egypt, 
Libya, and Pentapolis, Palestine, Arabia, Isauria, Cyprus, 
Pamphylia, Lycia, Galatia, Dacia, Mysia, Thrace, Dardania, 
Macedonia, Epirus, Thessaly, Achaia, Crete, Dalmatia, Siscia, 
Pannonia, Noricum, Italy, Picenum, Tuscany, Campania, 
Calabria, Apulia, Bruttia, Sicily, the whole of Africa, Sar- 
dinia, Spain, Gaul, and Britain. 

2. Added to these was the testimony d of Ursacius and Valens, 
who had formerly calumniated me, but afterwards changed 
their minds, and not only gave their assent to the sentence 

* The Council of Sardica says eighty ; Pope Julius, §. 20. 
which is a usual number in Egyptian b This was held in 341. Julius's 
Councils, (vid. Tillemont, vol. 8. p. 74.) Letter is found below, §. 21 . 
There were about ninety Bishops in c In A.D. 347, though Marsi, con- 
Egypt, the Thebais, and Libya. The trary to other writers, maintains its 
present Council was held in 339, or 340. date to be 344. vid. §. 44. infr. 
Its Synodal EpiRtle is contained below, d vid. infr. §. 58. This was A.D. 
§. 3. and is particularly addressed to 349. 

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besides the recantation of Ursacius and Valens ; 


that was passed in my favour, but also confessed that they Tr. II. 
themselves and the rest of my enemies were false accusers ; - 1>a * 
for men who make such a change and such a recantation of 
course reflect upon the Eusebians, for with them they had 
contrived the plot against me. Now after a matter has been 
examined and decided on such clear evidence by so many 
eminent Bishops, every one will confess that further discus- 
sion is unnecessary ; else, if an investigation be instituted at 
this time, it may be again discussed and again investigated, 
and there will be no end of this trifling. 

3. Now the decision of so many Bishops was sufficient to §.2. 
confound those who would still fain pretend some charge 
against me. But when my enemies also bear testimony in 

my favour and against themselves, declaring that the pro- 
ceedings against me were a conspiracy, who is there that 
would not be ashamed to doubt any longer? The law 
requires that in the mouth of two or three witnesses judgments 
shall be settled, and we have here this great multitude 
of witnesses in my favour, with the addition of the proofs 
afforded by my enemies ; so much so that those who still con- 
tinue opposed to me no longer attach any importance to their 
own arbitrary* judgment, but now have recourse to violence, 
and in the place of fair reasoning seek to injure £ those by whom 
they were exposed. For this is the chief cause of vexation to 
them, that the measures they carried on in secret, contrived 
by themselves in a corner, have been brought to light and 
disclosed by Valens and Ursacius ; for they are well aware 
that their recantation not only clears those whom they have 
injured, but condemns them. 

4. Indeed this led to their degradation in the Council of 
Sardica, as mentioned before; and with good reason; for, 
as the Pharisees of old, when they undertook the defence of 
Paul, gave clear judgment against the conspiracy which they 
and the Jews had formed against him ; and as the blessed 
David was proved to be persecuted unjustly when the 

e 4* Mi\tit*9. vid. infr. §. 14. de Deer, the death of Constans came into pos- 

§. 3. de Syn. §. 13. ad Ep. Ag. §. 5. session of his brother's dominions ; and 

f This implies that Valens and Ur- professed to have been forced to their 
sacius were subjected to some kind of former recantation by the latter Em- 
persecution, which is natural. They peror. 
relapsed in 351, when Constantius on 

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16 wko beg Athan.'s forgiveness and renounce Arianism. 

Apol. persecutor confessed, / have sinned, my son David; so it 
1 SamT waS t * iese men > being overcome by the truth they 
26, 21. became suppliants, and addressed a letter to that effect to 
Julius Bishop of Rome. They wrote also to me desiring to 
be on terms of peace with me, though they have spread such 
reports concerning me; and probably even now they are 
covered with shame, on seeing that those whom they sought 
to destroy by the grace of the Lord are still alive. Con- 
sistently also with this conduct they anathematized Arius 
and his heresy ; for knowing that the Eusebians had conspired 
against me in behalf of their own misbelief, and of nothing 
else, as soon as they had determined to confess their 
calumnies against me, they immediately renounced also that 
antichristian heresy for the sake of which they had falsely 
asserted them. 

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1. The following are the letters written in my favour by the 
Bishops in the several Councils; and first the letter of the 
Egyptian Bishops. 

The holy Council assembled at Alexandria, out of Egypt, 
the Thebais, Libya, and Pentapolis, to the Bishops of the 
Catholic Church everywhere, brethren beloved and greatly 
longed for, sendeth health in the Lord. 

Dearly beloved brethren, we might have put forth a §. 3. 
defence of our brother Athanasius 1 , as respects the con-i „\xu- 
spiracy of the Eusebians against him, and complained of rw * yo# 
his sufferings at their hands, and have exposed all their false 
charges, either at the beginning of their conspiracy or upon 
his arrival at Alexandria. But circumstances did not permit 
it then, as you also know ; and lately, after the return of the 
Bishop Athanasius, we thought that they would be confounded 
and covered with shame at their manifest injustice : in con- 
sequence we prevailed with ourselves to remain silent. 
Since, however, after all his severe sufferings, after his 
retirement into Gaul, after his sojourn in a foreign and far 
distant country in the place of his own, after his narrow 
escape from death through their calumnies, but for the 
clemency of the Emperor, — distress which would have satis- 
fied even the most cruel enemy, — still they are insensible to 
shame, and are again raging against the Church and Atha- 
nasius ; and from indignation at his deliverance venture on 
still more atrocious schemes against him, and are ready with 
any accusation, fearless of the words in holy Scripture, A Prov. 
false witness shall not be unpunished; and, The mouth that^f\^ A 

c 11. 

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18 Calumnies of the Eusebians against Athanasius 

Apol. belieth slayeth the soul; we therefore are unable longer to 
kQ ' Ar ' hold our peace, being amazed at their wickedness and at the 

insatiable love of contention displayed in their treacherous 


2. For see, they cease not to disturb the ear of royalty with 
fresh reports against us; they cease not to write letters 
of deadly import, for the destruction of the Bishop who is 
the enemy of their impiety. For again have they written to the 
Emperors against him ; again are they conspiring against 
him, charging him with a butchery which has never taken 
place ; again they wish to shed his blood, accusing him of a 
murder that never was committed, (for at that former time 
would they have murdered him by their calumnies, had we 
not found favour with the Emperor ;) again they are urgent, to 
say the least, that he should be sent into banishment, while 
they pretend to lament the miseries of the exiles, as though 
they had been exiled by him. They lament before us things 
that have never been done, and, not satisfied with what has 
been done to him, desire to add thereto other and more cruel 

3. So mild are they and merciful, and of so just a disposition; 
or rather (for the truth shall be spoken) so wicked are they 
and malicious; obtaining respect through fear and by threats, 
rather than by their piety and justice, as becomes Bishops. 
They have dared in their letters to the Emperors to pour 
forth language such as no contentious person would employ 
even among those that are without ; they have charged him 
with a number of murders and butcheries, and that not before 
a Governor, or any other superior officer, but before the three 
Augusti; nor shrink they from any journey however long, 
provided only all the greater courts may be filled with their 
accusations. For indeed, dearly beloved, their business con- 
sists in accusations, and that of the most solemn character, 
forasmuch as the tribunals to which they make their appeal 
are the most solemn of any upon earth. And what other end 
do they propose by these investigations, except to move the 
Emperor to capital punishment ? 

§.4. 4. Their own conduct therefore, and not that of Athanasius, 
is the fittest subject for lamentation and mourning, and one 
would more properly lament them, for such actions ought to 

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most inconsistent in Bishops, 


be bewailed, since it is written, Weep ye not for the dead, Tr. II. 
neither bemoan him : but weep sore for him that goeth away, 
for he shall return no more. For their whole letter speaks of 10. ' 
nothing but his death ; and their endeavour is to kill, when- 
ever they may be permitted, or if not, to drive into exile. 
And this they were permitted to do by the most religious 
father of the Emperors, who gratified their fury by the 
banishment of Athanasius, though not by his death. Now 
that this is not the conduct even of ordinary Christians, (nay, 
even of heathens,) much less of Bishops, who profess to 
teach others righteousness, we suppose that your Christian 
consciences must at once perceive. How can they forbid 
others to accuse their brethren, who themselves become their 
accusers, and that to the Emperors ? How can they teach 
compassion for the misfortunes of others, who cannot rest 
satisfied even with our banishment? For there was con- 
fessedly a general sentence of banishment against us Bishops, 
and we all looked upon ourselves as banished men : and now 
again we consider ourselves as restored with Athanasius to 
our native country, and in the place of our former lamenta- 
tions and mourning over him, as having the greatest encou- 
ragement and grace, — which may the Lord continue to us, nor 
suffer the Eusebians to destroy ! 

5. Even if their charges against him were true, here is a 
certain charge against them, that against the precept of Chris- 
tianity, and after his banishment and trials, they have assaulted 
him again, and accuse him of murder, and butchery, and other 
crimes, which they sound in the royal ears against the 
Bishops. But how exceeding manifold is their wickedness, 
and what manrfer of men think you them, when every word 
they speak is false, every charge they bring a calumny, and 
there is no truth whatever either in their speeches or their 
writings ! However, let us now enter upon these matters, and 
meet their last charges. This will prove, that in their former 
representations in the Council and at the trial their conduct 
was dishonourable, or rather their words untrue, besides 
exposing them for what they have now advanced. 

6. We are indeed ashamed to make any defence against §. 5. 
such charges. But since our reckless accusers lay hold of 

any charge, and allege that murders and butcheries were 


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20 His murders but civil executions in his absence. 

Apol. committed after the return of Athanasius, we beseech 
— '■ — -you to bear with our answer though it be somewhat 
long; for circumstances constrain us. No murder was 
committed either by Athanasius or on his account, since 
our accusers, as we said before, compel us to enter upon this 
strange apology. Slaughter and imprisonment are foreign to 
our Church. No one did Athanasius commit into the hands of 
the executioner ; and the prison, so far as he was concerned, 
was never disturbed. Our sanctuaries are now, as they have 
always been, pure, and honoured only with the Blood of 
Christ and His pious worship. Neither Presbyter nor 
Deacon was destroyed by Athanasius; he perpetrated no 
murder, he caused the banishment of no one. Would that 
they had never caused the like to him, nor given him actual 
experience of it ! No one here was banished on his account ; 
no one at all except Athanasius himself the Bishop of 
Alexandria, whom they banished, and whom, now that he is 
restored, they again seek to entangle in the same or even a 
more cruel plot than before, setting their tongues to speak 
all manner of false and deadly words against him. 

7. For, behold, they now attribute to him the acts of the 
magistrates; and although they plainly confess in their 
letter that the Prefect of Egypt passed sentence upon certain 
persons, they now are not ashamed to impute this sentence to 
Athanasius ; and that, though he had not at the time entered 
Alexandria, but was yet on his return from his place of exile. 
Indeed he was then in Syria ; since we must needs adduce 
in his defence his length of way from home, that a man may 
not be responsible for the actions of a Governor or Prefect of 
Egypt. But supposing Athanasius had been in Alexandria, 
what were the proceedings of the Prefect to Athanasius? 
However, he was not even in the country; and what the 
Prefect of Egypt did was not done on ecclesiastical grounds, 
but for reasons which you will learn from the records, which, 
after we understood what they had written, we made diligent 
enquiry for, and have transmitted to you. Since then they 
now raise a cry against certain things which were never done 
either by him or for him, as though they had certainly taken 
place, and testify against such evils as though they were 
assured of their existence ; let them inform us from what 

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Why the Eusebians were enemies of Athanasius. 21 

Council they obtained their knowledge of them, from what Tr. II. 
proofs, and in the course of what investigation ? But if they — 
have no such evidence to bring forward, and nothing but 
their own mere assertion, we leave it to you to consider as 
regards their former charges also, how the things took place, 
and why they so speak of them. In truth, it is nothing but 
calumny, and a plot of our enemies, and anger full of 
atrocious projects, and an impiety in behalf of the Arian 
fanatics 1 , which is frantic against true godliness, and desires 'or Ario- 
to root out the orthodox, so that henceforth the advocates of Tempos- 
impiety may preach without fear whatever doctrines they w ' w, • 
please. The history of the matter is as follows : — 

8. When Alius, from whom the* heresy of the Arian §.6. 
fanatics has its name, was cast out of the Church for his 
impiety by Bishop Alexander, of blessed memory, the 
Eusebians, who are the disciples and partners of his impiety, 
considering themselves also to have been ejected, wrote 
frequently to the Bishop Alexander, beseeching him not to 
keep the heretic Arius out of the Church. But when 
Alexander in his piety towards Christ refused to admit that 
impious man, they directed their resentment against Atha- 
nasius, who was then a Deacon, because in their busy 
enquiries they had heard that he was much in the familiarity 
of Alexander the Bishop, and much honoured by him. And 
their hatred of him was greatly increased after they had expe- 
rience of his piety* towards Christ, in the Council assembled 9 >• «• 
at Nicsea, wherein he spoke boldly against the impiety of thea 0 x£ 
Arian fanatics. But when God raised him to the Episcopate, 
their long-cherished malice burst forth into a flame, and fearing 
his orthodoxy and resistance of their impiety, they (and espe- 
cially Eusebius, who was smitten with a consciousness of his 
own evil doings,) engaged in all manner of treacherous designs 
against him. They prejudiced the Emperor against him ; 
they frequently threatened him with Councils ; and at last 
assembled at Tyre ; and to this day they cease not to write 
against him, and are so implacable that they even find fault 
with his appointment to the Episcopate*, taking every means 

* The Ensebians alleged that, fifty- bled for tbe election, and having sworn 
four Bishops of the two parties of S. to elect by the common voice, six or 
Alexander and Meletins being assem- seven of these broke their oaths in 

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22 Athanasius* s election canonical. 

Apol. of shewing their enmity and hatred towards him, and 
^lA^* spreading false reports for the sole purpose of thereby de- 
stroying his character. 

9. However, the very misrepresentations which they now are 
makiug, do but convict their former statements of being false- 
hoods, and a mere conspiracy against him. For they say, 
that " after the death of the Bishop Alexander, a certain few- 
having mentioned the name of Athanasius, six or seven 
Bishops elected him clandestinely in a secret place:" and 
this is what they wrote to the Emperors, having no scruple 
about asserting the greatest falsehoods. Now that the whole 
multitude and all the people of the Catholic Church assembled 
together as with one mind and body, and cried, shouted, that 
Athanasius should be Bishop of their Church, made this the 
subject of their public prayers to Christ, and conjured us to 
grant it for many days and nights, neither departing them- 
selves from the Church, nor suffering us to do so ; of all this 
we are witnesses, and so is the whole city, and the province 
too. Not a word did they speak against him, as these persons 
represented, but gave him the most excellent titles they 
could devise, calling him the good, the pious, Christian, an 
ascetic b , a genuine Bishop. And that he was elected by a 
majority of our body in the sight and with the acclamations 
of all the people, we who elected him also testify, who are 
surely more credible witnesses than those who were not 
present, and now spread these false accounts. 
1 Of Ni- io. But yet Eusebius 1 finds fault with the appointment of 

come- * , . , , i i . 

dia. Athanasius, — he who perhaps never received any appointment 

favour of S. Athanasius, whom no one 
had thought of, and consecrated him in 
secret to the great surprise and scandal 
of both ecclesiastical and lay persons, 
vid. Socr. ii. 17. Philostorgius (A.D. 
425.) adds particulars, explanatory or 
corrective of this statement, of which 
the Bishops in the text do not seem to 
have heard ; viz. that Athanasius with 
his party one night seized on the Church 
of St. Dionysius, and compelled two 
Bishops whom he found there to con- 
secrate him against their will ; that he 
was in consequence anathematized by 
all the other Bishops, but that, fortify- 
ing himself in his position, he sent in 
his election to the Emperor, and by this 

means obtained its confirmation. Hist, 
ii. 16. It appears, in matter of fact, 
that S. Athan. was absent at the time 
of his election; as Socrates says, in 
order to avoid it, or as Epiphanius, on 
business at the Court; these reasons 
are compatible. 

b It is contested whether S. Athan. 
was ever one of S. Antony's monks, the 
reading of a passage in the commence- 
ment of his Vit. Ant., which would 
decide the question, varying in different 
MSS. The word " ascetic" is used of 
those who lived a life, as afterwards 
followed in Monasteries, in the Ante- 
Nicene times. 

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Uncanonical appointment of Eusebius himself. 23 

to his office at all ; or if he did, has himself rendered it invalid c . Tb. II. 

• 6 7 

For he had first the See of Berytus, but leaving that he came — 

to Nicomedia. He left the one contrary to the law, and 
contrary to the law invaded the other ; he deserted his own 
See for he failed in affection, and took possession of another's 
though he failed in a plea ; he lost his love for the first in 
his lust for another, nor retained that love for the second 
which his lust had occasioned. For, behold, withdrawing 
himself from the second, again he takes possession of 
another's, casting an evil eye all around him upon the cities 
of other men, and thinking that godliness 1 consists in wealth 1 •W- 
and in the greatness of cities, and making light of thefJSS. 
heritage of God to which he had been appointed; no ^^ y, 
knowing that where even two or three are gathered in the 1 Tim. 
name of the Lord, there is the Lord in the midst of them ; Jj*^ 
not considering the words of the Apostle, / will not boast in 18, 20. 
another marts labours; not perceiving the charge which he^i^ 
has given, Art thou bound unto a wife? seek not to be*Coj' 
loosed. For if this expression applies to a wife, how much ' 
more does it apply to a Church, and to the same Epis- 
copate; to which whosoever is bouud ought not to seek 
another, lest he prove an adulterer according to holy 

11. But though conscious of these his own misdoings, he §. 7. 
has boldly undertaken to arraign the appointment of Atha- 
nasius, to which honourable testimony has been borne by 
all; and he ventures to reproach him with his deposition, 
though he has been deposed himself, and has a standing proof 
of his deposition in the appointment of another. How could 
either he or Theognius d degrade another, after they had been 
degraded themselves, which is sufficiently proved by the ap- 
pointment of others in their room ? For you know very well that 

.« The Canons of Nicaea and Sardioa Cassiodor. Hist. xii. 8. Niceph. Hist, 

were absolute against translation, but, xiv. 39. Cotelier adds others ad Can. 

as Bingham observes, Antiqu. vi. 4. Apost. 14. 

§. 6. only as a general rule. The so- d Or Theognis ; he was, as well as 

called Apostolical Canons except " a Eusebius, a pupil of Lucian's, and was 

reasonable cause" and the sanction of a deposed together with him after the 

Council; one of the Councils of Car- Nicene Council for communicating with 

thage prohibit them when subserving Arians. Constantine banished them to 

ambitious views, and except for the Gaul ; they were recalled in the course 

advantage of the Church. Vid. list of of two or three years. He was dead by 

translations in Soor. Hist. vii. 36. the date of the Council of Sardica. 


24 Eusebians pretend to care for Councils to annul the Nicene, 

Apol. there were appointed instead of them Amphion to Nicomedia 
AG - Aw » and Chrestus to Nicsea, in consequence of their own impiety 
and connection with the Arian fanatics, who were rejected 
by the Ecumenic Council. But while they desire to set 
aside that true Council, they endeavour to give that name 

1 Euse- to their own unlawful combination 1 ; while they are un- 
Council willing that the decrees of the Council should be enforced, 
^ Tyre, t ne y desire to enforce their own decisions; and they use 
sals." the name of a Council, while they refuse to submit them- 
selves to one so great as this. Thus they care not for 
Councils, but only pretend to do so in order that they may 
root out the orthodox, and annul the decrees of the true and 
great Council against the Arians, in support of whom, both 
now and heretofore, they have ventured to assert these 
falsehoods against the Bishop Athanasius. For their former 
statements resembled those they have now made, viz. that 

2 On his disorderly meetings were held at his entrance *, with lamentation 
from 11 an ^ mourning, the people indignantly refusing to receive 
Gwdj him. Now such was not the case, but, on the other hand, 
338. joy and cheerfulness prevailed, and the people ran together, 

hastening to obtain the desired sight of him. The Churches 
were full of rejoicings, and thanksgivings were offered up to 
the Lord every where ; and all the Ministers and Clergy 
beheld him with such feelings, that their souls were possessed 
with delight, and they esteemed that the happiest day of 
their lives. Why need we mention the inexpressible joy 
that prevailed among us Bishops, for we have already said 
that we counted ourselves to have been partakers in his 
sufferings ? 

8. 12. Now this being confessedly the truth of the matter, 
although it is very differently represented by them, what 
weight can be attached to that Council or trial of which 
they make their boast? Since they presume thus to con- 
trovert the circumstances of a case which they did not 
witness, which they have not examined, and for which they 
did not meet, and to write as though they were assured 
of the truth of their statements, how can they claim credit 
respecting those matters for the consideration of which they 
say that they did meet together ? Will it not rather be believed 
that they have acted both in the one case and in the other 

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tho* not in a state to hold a Council>and their own tyrannicalM 

out of enmity to us ? For what kind of a Council of Bishops T*. II. 
was then held ? Was it an assembly which aimed at the — — — 
truth ? Was not almost every one among them our enemy ? 
Did not the attack of the Eusebians upon us proceed from 
their zeal for the Arian fanaticism ? Did they not urge on 
the others of their party? Have we not always written 
against them as professing the doctrines of Arius ? Was not 
Eusebius of Caesarea in Palestine accused by our con- 
fessors of sacrificing to idols*? Was not George proved 
to have been degraded by the blessed Alexander f ? Were not 
they charged with various offences, some with this, some 
with that ? 

13. How then could such men entertain the purpose of hold- 
ing a meeting against us ? How can they have the boldness to 
call that a Council, at which a single Count presided, which 
an executioner attended, and where a chief jailor instead of 
the Deacons of the Church introduced us into Court ; and 
where the Count only spoke, and all present held their peace, 
or rather obeyed his directions? The removal of those 
Bishops who seemed to deserve it, was prevented at his 
desire ; and when he gave the order we were dragged about 
by soldiers ; — or rather the Eusebians gave the order, and he 
was subservient to their will. In short, dearly beloved, what 
kind of Council was that, the object of which was banish- 
ment and murder at the pleasure of the Emperor ? And of 
what nature were their charges ? — for here is matter of still 
greater astonishment. There was one Arsenius whom they 
declared to have been murdered ; and they also complained 
that a chalice belonging to the sacred mysteries had been 

14. Now Arsenius is alive, and prays to be admitted to 
our communion. He waits for no other testimony to prove 
that he is still living, but himself confesses it, writing 
in his own person to our brother Athanasius, whom they 

e At the Council of Tyre, Potamo himself, which is unlike him, if it was 

an Egyptian Bishop and Confessor producible. 

asked Eusebius what had happened to f George, Bishop of Laodicea, had 

Aim in prison during the persecution, been degraded when a Priest by S. 

Epiph. Haer. 68, 7. as if hinting at his Alexander, for his profligate habits as 

cowardice. It appears that Eusebius well as his Arianism. A than, speaks of 

was prisoner at Caesarea with S. Pam- him elsewhere as reprobated even by 

philus ; yet he never mentions the fact his party, de Fug. 26. 

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26 Athan. accused of the murder of Arsenius who was alive. 

A pol. positively asserted to be his murderer. The impious wretches 
AO. Ar. were not ag^amed to accuse him of having murdered a man 
who was at a great distance from him, being separated by an 
immense tract both of land and water, and whose abode at that 
time no one knew. Nay, they even had the boldness to remove 
him out of sight, and place him in concealment, though he had 
suffered no injury ; and, if it had been possible, they would 
have transported him to another world, nay, or have taken him 
from life in earnest, so that either by a true or false statement 
of his murder they might in as good earnest destroy Atha- 
nasius. But thanks to divine Providence for this also, 
which permitted them not to succeed in their injustice, but 
presented Arsenius alive to the eyes of all men, who has 
clearly proved their conspiracy and calumnies. He does not 
withdraw from us as murderers, nor hate us as having injured 
him, (for indeed he has suffered no evil at all ;) but he 
desires to hold communion with us; he wishes to be ad- 
mitted among us, and has written to this effect. 
§. 9. 15. Nevertheless they laid their plot against Athanasius, 
accusing him of having murdered a person who was still 
alive ; and those same men are the authors of his banish - 
ibyCon-ment 1 . For it was not the father of the Emperors, but their 
stantme ca ] umn j eS) ^ na ^ sen t hj m ' m i 0 exile. Consider whether this 
Gatf, is not the truth. When nothing was discovered to the 
335. prejudice of our brother Athanasius, but still the Count 
threatened him with violence, and was very zealous against 
2 i. e. to him, the Bishop g , in order to avoid this violence, went up 2 to 
stanti- tne most religious Emperor, where he protested against the 
nople. Count and their conspiracy against him, and requested 
either that a lawful Council of Bishops might be assembled, 

% The circumstances of this appeal, 
which are related by Athan. below, 
$. 86. are thus summed up by Gibbon ; 
" Before the final sentence could be 
pronounced at Tyre, the intrepid pri- 
mate threw himself into a bark which 
was ready to hoist sail for the imperial 
city. The request of a formal audience 
might have been opposed or eluded; 
but Athanasius concealed his arrival, 
watched the moment of Constantine's 
return from an adjacent villa, and 
boldly encountered his angry sovereign 

as he passed on horseback through the 
principal street of Constantinople. So 
strange an apparition excited his sur- 
prise and indignation ; and the guards 
were ordered to remove the importunate 
suitor; but his resentment was subdued 
by involuntary respect ; and the haugh- 
ty spirit of the Emperor was awed by 
the courage and eloquence of a Bishop, 
who implored his justice and awakened 
his conscience." Hist. xxi. Athan. 
was a small man in person. 

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Then charged with political crimes and banished. 27 

or that the Emperor would himself receive his defence con- Tr. II. 
cerning the charges they brought against him. Upon this 9 ' 10 ' 
the Emperor wrote in anger, summoning them before him, 
and declaring that he would hear the cause himself, and for 
that purpose he also ordered a Council to be held. Where- 
upon the Eusebians went up and charged Athanasius, not 
with the same offences which they had published against 
him at Tyre, but with an intention of detaining the vessels 
laden with corn, as though Athanasius had been the man to 
pretend that he could stop the exports of corn from Alex- 
andria to Constantinople. 

16. Certain of our friends were present at the palace with 
Athanasius, and heard the threats of the Emperor upon 
receiving this report. And when Athanasius exclaimed 
against the calumny, and positively declared that it was not 
true ; (for how, he argued, should he a poor man, and in a 
private station, be able to do such a thing ?) Eusebius did 
not hesitate publicly to repeat the charge, and swore that 
Athanasius was a rich man, and powerful, and able to do 
any thing; from which it might be supposed that he had 
used this language. Such was the accusation these venerable 
Bishops proffered against him. But the grace of God 
proved superior to their wickedness, for it moved the pious 
Emperor to mercy, who instead of death passed upon him 
the sentence of banishment. Thus their calumnies, and 
nothing else, were the cause of this. For the Emperor, in 
the letter which he previously wrote, complained of their 
conspiracy, censured their machinations, and condemned the 
Meletians as unrighteous and deserving of execration; in 
short, expressed himself in the severest terms concerning 
them. For he was greatly moved when he heard the story 
of the dead alive ; he was moved at hearing of this murder 
of one who lived after it without loss of life. We have sent 
you the letter. 

17. But these marvellous Eusebians, to make a show of §. 10. 
refuting the truth of the case, and the statements contained 

in this letter, put forward the name of a Council, and 
ground its proceedings upon the authority of the Emperor. 
Hence the attendance of a Count at their meeting, and the 
soldiers as guards of the Bishops, and royal letters corn- 

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28 Found guilty of the murder, though cleat ed by Const an tine, 

Apol. pelting the attendance of any persons whom they required. 

AG * Ar * But observe here the strange character of their machinations, 
and the inconsistency of their bold measures, so that by 
some means or other they may take Athanasius away from 
us. For if as Bishops they claimed for themselves alone the 
judgment of the case, what need was there for the attend- 
ance of a Count and soldiers ? or how was it that they 
assembled under the sanction of royal letters ? Or if they 
required the Emperor's countenance and wished to derive 
their authority from him, why did they then entrench upon 
his judgment ? and when he declared in the letter which he 
wrote, that the Meletians were profligate calumniators, and 
that Athanasius was most innocent, and enlarged upon the 
pretended murder of the living, how was it that they de- 
termined that the Meletians had spoken the truth, and that 
Athanasius was guilty of the offence ; and were not ashamed 
to make the living dead, living both after the Emperor's 
judgment, and at the time when they met together, and who 
even until this day is amongst us ? So much concerning the 
case of Arsenius. 

§. 11. 18. And as for the chalice belonging to the mysteries, 
what was it, or where was it broken by Macarius ? for this is 
the report which they spread up and down. But for Atha- 
nasius, even his accusers would not have ventured to blame 
him, had they not been suborned by them. However, they 
attribute the origin of the offence to him ; although it ought 
not to be imputed even to Macarius who is clear of it. And 
they are not ashamed to parade the sacred mysteries before 
Catechumens, and worse than that, even before heathens b : 
Tob.i2, wnereas 5 tne y ought to attend to what is written, It is good 
7 9 to keep close the secret of a king; and as the Lord has 
Matt 7, charged us, Give not that which is holy unto the dogs, 
6# neither cast ye your pearls before swine. We ought not 
then to parade the holy mysteries before the uninitiated, lest 
the heathen in their ignorance deride them, and the Cate- 

h This period, when Christianity was 
acknowledged by the state but not em- 
braced by the population, is just the 
time when we hear most of this Reserve 
as a principle. While Christians were 

but a sect, persecution enforced a dis- 
cipline, and when they were commen- 
surate with the nation, faith made it 
unnecessary. We are now returned to 
the state of the fourth century. 

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andqfthebrokenchalice y wherenoChurch^Priest,orService. 29 

chumens being over-curious be offended. However, what Tn. II. 
was the chalice, and where and before whom was it broken ? n * 
It is the Meletians who make the accusation, who are not 
worthy of the least credit, for they have been schismatics 
and enemies of the Church, not of a recent date, but from 
the times of the blessed Peter, Bishop and Martyr 1 . They 
formed a conspiracy against Peter himself; they calumniated 
his successor Achillas ; they accused Alexander even before 
the Emperor ; and being thus well versed in these arts, they 
have now transferred their enmity to Athanasius, acting alto- 
gether in accordance with their former wickedness. For as 
they slandered those that have been before him, so now they 
have slandered him. But their calumnies and false accusa- 
tions have never prevailed against him until now, that they 
have got the Eusebians for their assistants and patrons, on 
account of the impiety 1 which these have adopted from thei i. e . 
Arian fanatics, which has led them to conspire against many here ?y> 
Bishops, and among the rest Athanasius. 

19. Now the place where they say the chalice was broken, was 
not a Church ; there was no Presbyter in occupation of the 
place ; and the day on which they say that Macarius did the 
deed, was not the Lord's day. Since then there was no Church 
there ; since there was no one to perform the priest's office ; 
and since the day did not require the use of it k ; what was this 
sacred chalice, and when, or where was it broken ? There 
are many cups, it is plain, both in private houses, and in the 
public market ; and if a person breaks one of them, he is not 
guilty of impiety. But the chalice which belongs to the 
mysteries, and which if it be broken intentionally, makes the 
perpetrator of the deed an impious person, is found only 
among those who are lawfully appointed to preside over the 
Church. This is the only description that can be* given of 
this kind of chalice ; there is none other ; of this you drink 
prior to the people ; this you have received according to the 

canon of the Church f ; this belongs only to those who preside 2 ^ 

Ap. 65. 

1 Meletius, Bishop of Lycopolis in Egypt, In the same persecution S. 
the Thebaid, being deposed for lapsing Peter suffered. 

in the Dioclesian Persecution, sepa- k This seems to imply that the Holy 
rated from the Catholic Church and Communion was only celebrated on 
commenced a succession of his own in Sundays in the Egyptian Churches. 

Digitized by 

30 Eusebians build a Church there, as the accuser's reward. 

Apol. over the Catholic Church, for to you only it appertains to 
j^ 'haye the first taste 1 of the Blood of Christ, and to none 
besides. But as he who breaks a sacred cup is an impious 
person, much more impious is he who treats the Blood of 
Christ with contumely : and he does so who performs this 
mystical rite contrary to the rule of the Church ; — (we say 
this, not as if a chalice even of the schismatics was broken 
by Macarius, for there was no chalice there at all ; how 
should there be ? where there was neither Lord's house nor 
any one belonging to the Church, nay, it was not the time of 
the celebration of the mysteries;) — now such a person is the 
notorious Ischyras, who was never appointed to his office by 
the Church, and when Alexander admitted the Presbyters 
that had been ordained by Meletius, he was not even 
numbered amongst them ; and therefore did not receive 
ordination even from that quarter. 
§. 12. 20. By what means then did Ischyras become a Presbyter 1 ? 
who was it that ordained him ? was it Colluthus ? for this is 
the only supposition that remains. But it is well known, 
and no one has any doubt about the matter, that Colluthus 
died a Presbyter, and that every ordination of his was invalid, 
and that all that were ordained by him during the schism 
were reduced to the condition of laymen, and in that rank 
appear in the congregation. How then can it be believed 
that a private person, occupying a private house, had in his 
possession a sacred chalice ? But the truth is, they gave the 
name of Presbyter at the time to a private person, and 
gratified him with this title to support him in his iniquitous 
conduct towards us; and now as the reward of his 
accusations they procure for him the erection of a Church. 
So that this man had then no Church ; but as the reward of 
his malio£ and subserviency to them in accusing us, he 
receives now what he had not before; nay, perhaps they 
have even remunerated his services with the Episcopate, for 
so he goes about reporting, and accordingly behaves towards 
us with great insolence. Thus are such rewards as these 
now bestowed by Bishops upon accusers and calumniators ; 
though indeed it is reasonable, in the case of an accomplice, 

1 Vid. Bp. Taylor, Episcop. Assert. §. 32. Potter on Church Gov. ch. v. 

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To mend their cause >, they appoint Commission to Mareotis. 31 

that as they have made him a partner in their proceedings, Tr. II. 
so they should also make him their associate in their own 12 ~ J4 ' 
Episcopate. But this is not all ; give ear yet further to their 
proceedings at that time. 

21. Being unable to prevail against the truth, though §. 13. 
they had thus set themselves in array against it, and Ischyras 
having proved nothing at Tyre, except that he was a 
calumniator, and the calumny ruining their plot, they defer 
proceedings until they obtain fresh evidence, and propose to 
send to the Mareotis certain of their party to enquire 
diligently into the matter. Accordingly they dispatched 
secretly, with the assistance of the civil power, persons to 
whom we openly objected on many accounts, as being of 

the party of Arius, and therefore our enemies; namely, 
Diognius, Maris, Theodoras, Macedonius, and two others, 
young both in years and mind m , Ursacius and Valens from 
Pannonia; who, after they had undertaken this long journey 
for the purpose of obtaining justice against their enemy, set 
out again from Tyre for Alexandria. They did not shrink 
from becoming witnesses themselves, although they were the 
judges, but openly adopted every means of furthering their 
design, and undertook any labour or journey whatsoever in 
order to bring to a successful issue the conspiracy which 
was in progress. They left the Bishop Athanasius detained 
in a foreign country while they themselves entered their 
enemy's city, as if to have their revel both against his Church 
and against his people. And what was more outrageous still, 
they took with them the accuser Ischyras, but would not permit 
Macarius, the accused person, to accompany them, but left 
him in custody at Tyre. For " Macarius the Presbyter of 
Alexandria" was made answerable for the charge far and 
near. % 

22. They therefore entered Alexandria alone with the accuser, §. 14. 
their partner in lodging, board, and wine-cup ; and taking with 
them Philagrius the Prefect of Egypt they proceeded to the 
Mareotis, and there carried on the investigation by them- 
selves, all their own way, with the forementioned person. 
Although the Presbyters frequently begged that they might 

m Vid. also Athan. ad Ep. JEg. 7. i. 5. Fragm. ii. 12. 
Euseb. Vit. c. iv. 43. Hilar, ad Const. 

32 Indecent conduct of the Commission. 

Apol. be present, they would not permit them. The Presbyters 
aq ' Ab ' both of the city and of the whole country desired to attend, 
that they might detect who and whence the persons were 
who were suborned by Ischyras. But they forbade the 
Ministers to be present, while they carried on the examination 
concerning the Church, the chalice, the table, and the holy 
things, before the heathen; nay, worse than that, they 
summoned heathen witnesses during the enquiry concerning 
the sacred chalice; and those persons who they affirmed were 
taken out of the way by Athanasius by means of the summons 
of the Receiver-general, and they knew not where in the 
world they were, these same individuals they brought forward 
before themselves and the Prefect only, and avowedly used 
their testimony, whom they affirmed without shame to have 
been secreted by the Bishop Athanasius. 

23. But here too their only object is to effect his death, and 
so they again pretend that persons are dead who are still alive, 
following the same method they adopted in the case of 
Arsenius. For the men are living, and are to be seen in 
their own country ; but to you who are at a great distance 
from the spot they give a tragical representation of the 
matter as though they had disappeared, in order that, as the 
evidence is so far removed from you, they may falsely accuse 
our brother-minister, as though he used violence aud the civil 
power ; whereas they themselves have in all respects acted 
by means of that power and the countenance of others. 
For their proceedings in the Mareotis were parallel to those 
at Tyre ; and as there a Count attended with military assist- 
ance, and would permit nothing either to be said or done 
contrary to their pleasure, so here also the Prefect of Egypt 
was present with a band of men, frightening all the members 
of the Church, and permitting no one to give true testimony. 
And what was the strangest thing of all, the persons who 
came, whether as judges or witnesses, or, what was more 
likely, in order to serve their own purposes and those of 
Eusebius, lived in the same place with the accuser, even in 
his house, and there seemed to cany on the investigation as 
they pleased. 

§. 15. 24. We suppose you are not ignorant what outrages they 
committed at Alexandria ; for they are reported every where. 

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Outrages of the Arian party at Alexandria. 38 

They attacked the holy virgins and brethren with naked Tr. II. 
swords; they beat with scourges their persons, esteemed 16 ' Ig ' 
honourable in the sight of God, so that their feet were lamed 
by the stripes, whose souls are whole and sound in purity and 
all good works 1 . The trades* were excited against them; 1 Hist, 
and the heathen multitude was set to strip them naked, to 12. 
beat them, wantonly to insult them, and to threaten them Vj^j 
with their altars and sacrifices. And one coarse fellow, as 
though license had now been given them by the Prefect in 
order to gratify the Bishops, took hold of a virgin by the 
hand, and dragged her towards an altar that happened to be 
near, imitating the practice of compelling to offer sacrifice in 
time of persecution. When this was done, the virgins took 
to flight, and a shout of laughter was raised by the heathen 
against the Church; the Bishops being in the place, and 
occupying the very house where this was going on; and 
from which, in order to obtain favour with them, the virgins 
were assaulted with naked swords, and were exposed to all 
kinds of danger, and insult, and wanton violence. And this 
treatment they received during a season of fasting 3 , and at 3 supr. 
the hands of persons who themselves were feasting with the p * 7 * 
Bishops in that house. 

25. Foreseeing these things, and reflecting that the entrance §. 16. 
of enemies into a place is no ordinary calamity, we protested 
against this commission. And Alexander 0 , Bishop of Thes- 
salonica, considering the same, wrote to the people residing 
there, discovering the conspiracy, and testifying of the plot. 
They indeed reckon him to be one of themselves, and 
account him a partner in their designs; but they only prove 
thereby the violence they have exercised towards him. For 
even the profligate Ischyras himself was only induced by 
fear and violence to proceed in the matter, and was obliged 
by force to undertake the accusation. As a proof of this, 
he wrote himself to our brother Athanasius 4 , confessing that 4 infr. 
nothing of the kind that was alleged had taken place there, 64 ' 

■ This Alexander bad been one of cbre was consecrated, and afterwards 

the Nicene Fathers, in 325, and had Arins admitted to communion. His in- 

the office of publishing their decrees in fluence with the Court party seems to 

Macedonia, Greece, &c. He was at have been great, judging from Count 

the Council of Jerusalem ten years after, Dionysius's tone in speaking of him, 

at which the Church of the Holy Sepul- infr. §. 81. 


34 Documents in refutation of the Eusebian charge* against A th. 

Apol. but that he was suborned to make a false statement. This 
aq. Ar. declaration he made, though he was never admitted by 
Athanasius as a Presbyter, nor received that title from him 
as a boon, nor was entrusted by way of recompense with the 
erection of a Church, nor expected the bribe of a Bishopric ; 
all of which he obtained from them in return for undertaking 

1 vid the accusation. Moreover, his whole family held communion 
infr. §.63 with us 1 , which they would not have done had they been 
An! ^ 86 injured in the slightest degree. 

§. 17. 26. Now to prove that these things are facts and not mere 

2 iT ^ r - assertions, we have the testimony* of all the Presbyters of the 
*" 4 * Mareotis °, who always accompany the Bishop in his visitations, 

and who also wrote at the time against Ischyras. But neither 
those of them who came to Tyre were allowed to declare the 

3 infr. truth 3 , nor could those who remained in the Mareotis obtain 
« §. 72 permission to refute the calumnies of Ischyras 4 . Copies also 
fin - of the letters of Alexander, and of the Presbyters, and of 

Ischyras, will prove the same thing. We have sent also the 
letter of the father of the Emperors, in which he expresses 
his indignation that the murder of Arsenius was charged 
upon any one while the man was still alive ; as also his 
astonishment at the variable and' inconsistent character of 
their accusations with respect to the chalice; since at one 
time they accused the Presbyter Macarius, at another the 
Bishop Athanasius, of having broken it with his hands. He 
declares also on the one hand that the Meletians are calum- 
niators, and on the other that Athanasius is perfectly innocent. 
27. And are not the Meletians calumniators, and above 
*Ar- all John 5 , who after coming into the Church, and com- 
infr^65 niunicating with us, after condemning himself, and no 
fi^headlonger taking any part in the proceedings respecting the 
Meleti- chalice, when he saw the Eusebians zealously supporting the 
Arian fanatics, though they had not the daring to cooperate 
with them openly, but were attempting to employ others as 
their masks, undertook a character, as an actor in the heathen 
6 vid. theatres 6 ? The subiect of the drama was the contest of the 

infr. §. J 
37. 46. 

vol. 8. 0 The district, oalled Mareotis from Priests, and of hamlets which had 
p. 127. a neighbouring lake, lay in the territory none ; of the latter was " the Peace of 
note g. an( * diocese of Alexandria, to the west. Secontaruri," (infr. §. 86.) where Ischy- 

It consisted of various large villages, ras lived. 

with handsome Churches, and resident 


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Inconsistency of Eusebians in making them. 35 

Arians ; the real design of the piece being their success, but Tr. II. 
John and his partizans being appended and playing the — 
parts, in order that under colour of these, the supporters of 
the Arians, in the garb of judges, might drive away the 
enemies of their impiety, firmly establish their impious 
doctrines, and bring the Arians into the Church. And those 
who wish to drive out true godliness 1 strive all they can to 1 
prevail by ungodliness 1 ; they who have chosen the part of^* ,&c# 
that impiety 1 which wars against Christ, endeavour to destroy * u P r, f P j 
the enemies thereof, as though they were impious 1 persons ; 
and they impute to us the breaking of the chalice, for the 
purpose of making it appear that Athanasius, equally with 
themselves, is guilty of impiety 1 towards Christ. 

28. For what means this mention of the sacred chalice by 
them? Whence comes this religious 1 regard for the chalice - 
among those who support impiety 1 towards Christ? Whence 
comes it that Christ's chalice is known to them who know 
not Christ? How can they who profess to honour that 
chalice, dishonour the God of the chalice ? or how can they 
who lament over the chalice, seek to murder the Bishop who 
celebrates the mysteries therewith ? for they would have 
murdered him, had it been in their power. And how can 
they who lament the loss of the throne that was Episco- 
pally covered*, seek to destroy the Bishop that sat upon it, 8 cathe- 
to the end that both the throne may be without its Bishop, i a t 8R) 
and that the people may be deprived of godly 1 doctrine ? It p ' 
was not then the chalice, nor the murder, nor any of those viii. 6. 
portentous deeds they talk about, that induced them to act 10 * 
thus ; but the forementioned heresy of the Arians, for the 
sake of which they conspired against Athanasius and other 
Bishops, and still continue to wage war against the Church. 

29. Who are they that have really been the cause of murders 
and banishments ? Are not these ? Who are they that, availing 
themselves of external support, conspire against the Bishops? 
Are not the Eusebians they, and not Athanasius, as in their 
letters they pretend ? Both he and others have suffered at 
their hands. Even at the time of which we speak, four 
Presbyters 5 of Alexandria, though they had not even pro- 3 vid. 
ceeded to Tyre, were banished by their means. Who then na ^ l r eg 
are they whose conduct calls for tears and lamentations ? infr. §. 

y 40. 
D 2 

36 Eusebians really associates of the Avians. 

A pol. Does not theirs, who after they have been guilty of one 
AQ * Ab - course of persecution, do not scruple to add to it a second, 
but have recourse to all manner of falsehood, in order that 
they may destroy a Bishop who will not give way to their 
impious heresy ? Hence arises the enmity of the Eusebians ; 
hence their proceedings at Tyre; hence their pretended 
trials; hence also now the letters which they have written 
even without any trial, expressing the utmost confidence in 
their statements ; hence their calumnies before the father of 
the Emperors, and before the most religious Emperors them- 

§. 18. 30. For it is necessary that you should know what is now 
reported to the prejudice of our brother Athanasius, in order 
that you may thereby be led to condemn their wickedness, 
- and may perceive that they desire nothing else but to murder 
him. A quantity of corn was given by the father of the 
Emperors for the support of certain widows, some to be of 
Libya, and some out of Egypt. They have all received it up 
to this time, Athanasius getting nothing therefrom, but the 
trouble of assisting them. But now, although the recipients 
themselves make no complaint, but acknowledge that they have 
received it, Athanasius has been accused of selling all the 
corn, and appropriating the profits to his own use : and the 
Emperor wrote to this effect about it, charging him with the 
offence in consequence of the calumnies which had been 
raised against him. Now who are they that have raised 
these calumnies ? Is it not those who after they have been 
guilty of one course of persecution, scruple not to set on foot 
another? Who are the authors of those letters which are 
said to have come from the Emperor ? Are not the Arians 
who are so zealous against Athanasius, and scruple not to 
speak and write any thing ? No one would pass over persons 
who have acted as they have done, in order to entertain sus- 
picion of others. Nay, the proof of their calumny appears 
to be most evident, for they are anxious under cover of it, to 
take away the corn from the Church, and to give it to the 
Arians. And this circumstance more than any other, brings 
the matter home to the authors of this design and their prin- 
cipals, who scrupled neither to set on foot a charge of murder 
against Athanasius, and as a base means of prejudicing 

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Tliey recognise them in formal acts. 


the Emperor against him, nor yet to take away from t ^ e ^g'J^' 
Clergy 1 of the Church the subsistence of the poor, in order v ^ 
that in fact they might make gain for the heretics. »a^»», 

31. We have sent also the testimony of our brother ministers 

in Libya, Pentapolis, and Egypt, from which likewise you§. 19. 
may learn the false accusations which have been brought 
against Athanasius. And these things they do, in order that, 
the professors of true godliness being henceforth induced by 
fear to remain quiet, the heresy of the impious Arians may 
be introduced in place of the truth. But thanks be to your 
piety, dearly beloved, that you have frequently anathematized 
the Arians in your letters, and have never given them admittance 
into the Church. The exposure of the Eusebians is also easy, 
and ready at hand. For behold, after their former letters 
concerning the Arians, of which also we have sent you copies, 
they now openly stir up the Arian fanatics against the Church, 
though the whole Catholic Church has anathematized them ; 
they have appointed a Bishop* over them; they distract the 8 ^"^. 
Churches with threats and alarms, that they may gain assist- 
ants in their impiety in every part. Moreover, they send 
Deacons to the Arians, who openly join their assemblies ; 
they write letters to them, and receive answers from them, 
thus making schisms in the Church, and holdiug communion 
with them ; and they send to every part, commending their 
heresy, and repudiating the Church, as you will perceive 
from the letters they have addressed to the Bishop of Rome 3 , ? vid ' 
and perhaps to yourselves also. You perceive therefore, 2? 
dearly beloved, that these things are not undeserving of 
vengeance: they are indeed dreadful and alien from the 
doctrine of Christ. 

32. Wherefore we have assembled together, and have 
written to you, to request of your Christian wisdom to re- 
ceive this our declaration and sympathize with our brother 
Athanasius, and to shew your indignation against the 
Eusebians who have essayed such things, in order that 
such malice and wickedness may no longer prevail against 
the Church. We call upon you to be the avengers of 
such injustice, reminding you of the injunction of the 
Apostle, Put away from among yourselves that wicked l b c ™' 
person. Wicked indeed is their conduct, and unworthy 9 

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38 Meletians pretend to be the Egyptian Church. 

Apol. of your communion. Wherefore give no further heed to 

— — them, though they should again write to you against the 
Bishop Athanasius ; (for all that proceeds from them is 
false;) not even though they subscribe their letter with 
names p of Egyptian Bishops. For it is evident that it will 

1 infr. not be we who write, but the Meletians 1 , who have ever been 
" schismatics, and who even unto this day make disturbances 
and raise factions in the Churches. For they ordain improper 
persons, and all but heathens ; and they are guilty of such 
actions as we are ashamed to set down in writing, but which 
you may learn from those whom we have sent unto you, and 
who will deliver to you our letter. 

§. 20. 33. Thus wrote the Bishops of Egypt to all Bishops, and 
to Julius Bishop of Rome. 

P The Eusebians availed themselves as at Philippopolis, Hilar. Fragm. 
of the subscriptions of the Meletians, 3. 

Dic^zed by 




1. The Eusebians also wrote to Julius, and thinking to 
frighten me, requested him to call a Council, and to be 
himself the judge, if he so pleased 1 . When therefore I went 1 A. D. 
up to Rome, Julius wrote to the Eusebians, as was suitable, huJ^ 
and sent moreover two of his own Presbyters*, Elpidius and Arian. 
Philoxenus *. But they, when they heard of me, were thrown « May, 
into confusion, as not expecting my going up thither; and they 
declined the proposed Council, alleging unsatisfactory reasons 
for so doing, but in truth they were afraid lest the things 
should be proved against them which Valeus and Ursacius 
afterwards confessed 3 . However, more than fifty Bishops s infr. 
assembled, in the place where the Presbyter Vito held his*' 68 * 
congregation i ; and they acknowledged my defence, and gave 4 
me the confirmation 5 both of their fellowship and their loving 5 vid. 
hospitality. On the other hand, they expressed great indigna- SfrdEa. 
tion against the Eusebians, and requested that Julius would 
write to the following effect to those of their number who had 
written to him. Which accordingly he did, and sent it by 
the hand of Count Gabianus. 

2. The Letter of Julius 6 . e A . D. 

342, bat 

Julius to his dearly beloved brethren 1 *, Danius, Flacillus,34i. 
Narcissus, Eusebius, Maris, Macedonius, Theodoras, and™ em * 

* Vito and Vincentius, Presbyters, Montfaucon in loc. understands the 

bad represented Silvester at Nicsea. notorious Arian, Bishop of Nicsea, 

Liberius sent Vincentius, Bishop, and called variously Diognius, (supr. §. 13.) 

Marcellus, Bishop, to Constantius ; and Theognius, (infr. §. 28.) Theognis, 

again Lucifer, Bishop, and Eusebius, (Philostorg. Hist. ii. 7.) Theogonius, 

Bishop. St. Basil suggests that Dama- (Theod. Hist. i. 19.) and assigns some 

sus should send Legates into the East, ingenious and probable reasons for his 

Ep. 69. The Council of Sardica, supposition, vid. supr. p. 23, note d. 

Can. 5. recognised the Pope's power of Flacillus, Arian Bishop of Antioch, as 

sending Legate? into foreign Provinces Athan. names him, is called Placillus,(in 

to hear certain appeals ; " ut de Latere St. Jerome'sChronicon,p.785.) Placitus, 

8U0 Presbyterum mittat." vid. Tho- (Soz. iii. 5.) Flacitus, (Theod. Hist. i. 

massin. de Eccl. Disc. Part 1. ii. 117. 21.) Theodorus was Arian Bishop of 

b By Danius, which had been con- Heraclea, whose Comments on the 

sidered the same name as Dianseus, Psalms are supposed to be those which 

Bishop of Caisarea in Cappadocia, bear his name in Corderius's Catena. 

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40 Intemperate letter of the Eusebiant to the Pope. 

A pol. their friends, who have written to me from Antioch, sends 
health in the Lord. 

§. 21. 1 have read your letter* which was brought to me by my 
Presbyters Elpidius and Philoxenus, and I am surprised to 
find that, whereas I wrote to you in charity and with con- 
scious sincerity, you have replied to me in an unbecoming 
and quarrelsome temper ; for the pride and arrogance of the 
writers is plainly exhibited in that letter. Yet such feelings 
are inconsistent with the Christian faith ; for what was written 
in a charitable spirit ought likewise to be answered in a spirit 
of charity and not of contention. And was it not a token of 
charity to send Presbyters to sympathize with them that are 
in suffering, and to desire those who had written to me to 
come hither, that the questions at issue might obtain a speedy 
settlement, and all things be duly ordered, so that our brethren 
might no longer be exposed to suffering, and that you might 
escape further imputation? But something seems to shew 
that your temper is such, as to force us to conclude that the 

1 net* terms in which you appear to pay honour 1 to us, are with 
some dissimulation modified in their meaning. The Pres- 
byters also whom we sent to you, and who ought to have 
returned rejoicing, did on the contrary return sorrowful on 
account of the proceedings they had witnessed among you. 
And I, when I had read your letter, after much consideration, 
kept it to myself, thinking that after all some of you would 
come, and there would be no need to bring it forward, lest 
if it should be openly exhibited, it should grieve many of our 
brethren here. But when no one arrived, and it became 
necessary that the letter should be produced, I declare to 
you, they were all astonished, and were hardly able to believe 
that such a letter had been written by you at all; for it is 
expressed in terms of strife rather than of charity. 

3. Now if the author of it wrote with an ambition of exhi- 
biting his power of language, such a practice surely is more 

c Some of the topics contained in the and that they ought not themselves to 
Eusebian Letter are specified in Julius's hold the second place, for they were 
answer. It acknowledged, besides, the superior in virtue, though not in their 
high dignity of the See of Rome, as Church." And they said that they would 
being " The School (tywwrngw) of the hold communion with Julius if he would 
Apostles and the Metropolis of ortho- agree to their depositions and sub- 
doxy from the beginning/' but added stitutions in the Eastern Sees. So«. 
that " doctors oame to it from the east ; iii. 8. 

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The Pope proposes to revise the Eusebian decision. 41 

suitable for other subjects : in ecclesiastical matters, it is not Tr. il. 
a display of eloquence that is needed, but the observance of 21 > a2 * 
Apostolic Canons, and an earnest care not to offend one of the 
little ones of the Church, For it were better for a man, 
according to that ecclesiastical sentence, that a millstone ^d. 
were hanged about his neck, and that he were drowned in 18> 6# 
the sea, than that he should offend even one of the little 
ones. But if such a letter was written, because certain 
persons through a narrow feeling 1 took offence among them- » 
selves, (for I will not impute it to all); it were better not tOj£j^J^ # 
entertain any such feeling of offence at all, at least not to let™*- 
the sun go down upon their vexation ; and certainly not to i n 
give it room to exhibit itself in writing. °- 

4. Yet what has been done that is a just cause of offence ? 326,331'. 
or in what respect was my letter to you such ? Was it, that §• 22. 
I invited* you to be present at a Council ? You ought rather 
to have received the proposal with joy. Those who have^^* 
confidence in their proceedings, or as they choose to term 
them, in their decisions, are not wont to be angry, if such 
decision is enquired into by others ; they rather shew all bold- 
ness, seeing that if they have given a just decision, it can 
never prove to be the reverse. The Bishops who assembled 
in the great Council of Nicaea agreed, not without the will of 
God, that the decisions of one Council should be examined 
in another d , to the end that the judges, having before their 
eyes that other trial which was to follow, might be led to 
investigate matters with the utmost caution, aud that the 
parties concerned in their sentence might have assurance 
that the judgment they received was just, and not dictated 
by the enmity of their former judges. Now if you are 
unwilling that such a practice ^hould be adopted in your 
own case, though it is of ancient standing, and has been 
noticed and recommended by the great Council, your refusal 
is not becoming ; for it is unreasonable that a custom which 

4 As this determination does not find Ecchellensis haw argued on the same 
a place among the now received Canons side, (apud Colet. Concil. t. ii. p. 399. 
of the Council, the passage in the text Ed. Ven. 1728.) also Baronius, though 
becomes of great moment in the argu- not so strongly, Ann. 325. nn.167, &c. 
ment in favour of the twenty Canons and Montfaucon in loc. Natalis Alex- 
extant in Greek being but a portion ander, Seec. 4. Dissert. 28. argues 
of those passed at Nicsea. vid. Alber. against the larger number, and Tille- 
Dissert in Hist. Eccles. vii. Abraham mont, Mem. t. 6. p. 674. 

42 Tlte Eusebians had already proposed a fresh Council. 

Apol. has once obtained in the Church, and been established bj 
AQ ' Ar ' Councils, should be set aside by a few individuals. 

5. For a further reason they cannot justly take offence in this 
point. When the persons whom you the Eusebians dispatched 
with your letters, I mean Macarius the Presbyter, and Martyrius 
and Hesychius the Deacons, arrived here, and found that they 
were unable to withstand the arguments of the Presbyters 
who came from Athanasius, but were confuted and exposed 

■ A. D. on all sides, they then requested me to call a Council together 
and to write to Alexandria to the Bishop Athanasius, and 
also to the Eusebians, in order that a just judgment might 
be given in the presence of all parties. And they undertook 
in that case to prove all the charges which had been brought 
against Athanasius. For Martyrius and Hesychius had been 
publicly detected by us, and the Presbyters of the Bishop 
Athanasius had withstood them with great confidence : indeed, 
if one must tell the truth, the party of Martyrius had been 
utterly overthrown ; and this it was that led them to desire 
that a Council might be held. Now supposing that they had 
not desired a Council, but that I had been the persqn to 

* rxrfxai propose it, in discouragement of* those who had written to 
me, and for the sake of our brethren who complain that they 
have suffered injustice ; even in that case the proposal would 
have been reasonable and just, for it is agreeable to eccle- 
siastical practice, and well pleasing to God. But when those 
persons, whom you the Eusebians considered to be trust- 
worthy, when even they wished me to call the brethren together, 
it was inconsistent in the parties invited to take offence, when 
they ought rather to have shewn all readiness to be present. 
These considerations shew that the display of anger in the 
offended persons is unreasonable, and their refusal to meet 
the Council is unbecoming, and has a suspicious appearance. 
Does any one find fault, if he sees that done by another, 
which he would allow if done by himself? If, as you write, 
the decrees of any Council have an irreversible force, and he 
who has given judgment on a matter is dishonoured, if his 
sentence is examined by another ; consider, dearly beloved, 
who are they that dishonour Councils ? who are setting aside 
the decisions of former judges ? 

6. Not to inquire at present into every individual case, lest 

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They had admitted the Arians to communion, 43 

I should appear to press too heavily on certain parties, the Tr. II. 
last instance that has occurred, and which every one who — 
hears it must shudder at, will be sufficient in proof of the 
others which I omit. The Arians who were excommunicated §. 23. 
for their impiety by Alexander, the late Bishop of Alexandria, 
of blessed memory, were not only proscribed by the brethren 
in the several cities, but were also anathematized by the 
whole body assembled together in the great Council of 
Nicaea. For theirs was no ordinary offence, neither had they 
sinned against man, but against our Lord Jesus Christ Him- 
self, the Son of the living God. And yet these persons who 
were proscribed by the whole world, and branded in every 
Church, are said now to have been admitted to communion 
again; which I think you ought to hear with indignation. 
Who then are the parties who dishonour Councils ? Are 
not they who have set at nought the votes of the Three 
hundred e , and have preferred impiety to godliness ? 

7. The heresy of the Arian fanatics 1 was condemned and 1 
proscribed by the whole body of Bishops every where ; but^J^ 
the Bishops Athanasius and Marcellus have many supporters 4 * ref » 
who speak and write in their behalf. We have received 
testimony in favour of Marcellus, that lie resisted the advo- 
cates of the Arian doctrines in the Council of Nicaea ; and in 
favour of Athanasius, that at Tyre nothing was brought home 
to him, and that in the Mareotis, where the Reports against 
him are said to have been drawn up, he was not present. Now 
you know, dearly beloved, that ex 'parte proceedings are 
of no weight, but bear a suspicious appearance. Neverthe- 
less, these things being so, we, in order to be accurate, and 
neither shewing any prepossession in favour of yourselves, 
nor of those who wrote in behalf of the other party, invited 
those who had written to me to come hither; that, since there 
were many who wrote in their behalf, all things might be 
enquired into in a Council, and neither the guiltless might 
be condemned, nor the guilty be accounted innocent. We 
then are not the parties who dishonour Councils, but they 
who at once and recklessly have received the Arians whom 

« The number of the Fathers at the (Hodeg. 3. fin.) referring to the first 

Nicene Council is generally considered three Ecumenical Councils, speaks of 

to have been 318, the number of Abra- the faith of the 318, the 150, and the 

ham's servants, Gen. 14, 14. Anastasius 200. 

44 and liad ordained and preferred Arians. 

A pol. all had condemned, and contrary to the decision of the 
aq ' Ab * judges. The greater part of those judges have now departed, 
and are with Christ; but some of them are still in this life of 
trial, and are indignant at learning that certain persons have 
set aside their judgment 
§. 24. 8. We have also been informed of the following circum- 
stance by those who were at Alexandria. A certain Carpones, 
who had been excommunicated by Alexander for Arianism, 
i a.D. was sent hither 1 by one Gregory with certain others, also 
341 * excommunicated for the same heresy. However, I had 
learnt the matter also from the Presbyter M acarius, and the 
«A.D. Deacons Martyrius and Hesychius*. For before the Pres- 
339 ' byters Of Athanasius arrived, they urged me to send letters 
to one Pistus at Alexandria, though at the same time the 
Bishop Athanasius was there. And when the Presbyters 
of the Bishop Athanasius came, they informed me that this 
3 vid. Pistus was an Arian, and that he had been excommunicated 3 
Depos ky the Bishop Alexander and the Council of Nicaea, and 
Ar. then ordained by one Secundus, whom also the great Council 
excommunicated as au Arian. This statement the party of 
Martyrius did not gainsay, nor did they deny that Pistus had 
received his ordination from Secundus. Now consider, after 
this who are most justly liable to blame ? I, who could not 
be prevailed upon to write to the Arian Pistus; or those, 
who advised me to do dishonour to the great Council, and to 
address the impious as if they were godly persons ? More- 
over, when the Presbyter Macarius, who had been sent hither 
by Eusebius with Martyrius and the rest, heard of the oppo- 
sition which had been made by the Presbyters of Athanasius, 
while we were expecting his appearance with Martyrius and 
Hesychius, he decamped in the night, in spite of a bodily 
ailment; which leads us to conjecture that his departure arose 
from shame on account of the exposure which had been made 
concerning Pistus. For it is impossible that the ordination 
* U X v**t of the Arian Secundus should be considered valid 4 in the 
Catholic Church. This would indeed be dishonour to the 
Council, and to the Bishops who composed it, if the decrees 
g^J^they framed, as in the presence of God, with such extreme 
Fragm. earnestness and care, should be set aside as nugatory. 
§ 25 9 * as y° u w " te *> ^ e decrees °f a ^ Councils ought to be 

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Excuses of the Eusebians as to the time of the Council. 45 

of force, according to the precedent in the case of Novatus lf Tn. II. 
and Paul of Samosata, certainly the sentence of the Three | . 25 ' 
hundred ought not to be reversed, certainly a Catholic Nova- 
Council ought not to be set at nought by a few individuals. tian - 
For the Arians are heretics as they, and the like sentence has 
been passed both against the one and the other. And, after 
such bold proceedings as these, who are they that have 
lighted up the flame of discord ? for in your letter you blame 
us for having done this. Have we, who have sympathized 
with the sufferings of the brethren, and have acted in all 
respects according to the Canon ; or they who contentiously 
and contrary to the Canon have set aside the sentence of the 
Three hundred, and dishonoured the Council in every way ? 
For not only have the Arians been received into communion, 
but Bishops also have adopted the practice of removing from 
one place to another 2 . Now if you really believe that all*vid. 
Bishops have the same and equal authority 3 , and you do not, 
as you assert, account of them according to the magnitude of [^£ ri " 
their cities ; he that is entrusted with a small city ought to Unit, 
abide in the place committed to him, and not from disdain of q 0 ^* 4 * 
his trust to remove to one that has never been put under 
him ; despising that which God has given him, and making 
much of the vain applause of men. You ought then, dearly 
beloved, to have come and not declined, that the matter 
may be brought to a conclusion; for this is what reason 

10. But perhaps you were prevented by the time fixed 
upon for the Council, for you complain in your letter that the 
interval before the day we appointed 4 was too short. But 4 
this, dearly beloved, is a mere excuse. Had certain of you^. 
set out to come, and the day arrived before them, the interval £ at « O- 
allowed would then have been proved to be too short. But246\ P ' 
when persons do not wish to come, and detain even my 
Presbyters up to the month of January 5 , it is the mere excuse 5 A. D. 
of those who have no confidence in their cause; otherwise, xm^m. 
as I said before, they would have come, not regarding the wads 
length of the journey, not considering the shortness of the 

f The instance of Novatian makes the Wesk his cause was not abandoned 
against the Eusebians, because for some in the East. Tillemont, Mem. t. 7 
time after Novatian was condemned in p. 277. 

46 Why St. Julius wrote only to the Eusebians. 

Apol. time, but trusting to the justice and reasonableness of their 
— — cause. But perhaps they did not come on account of the 
Persian ^P 60 * of the times 1 , for again you declare in your letter, that 
war. we ought to have considered the present circumstances of 
Ariln. tne East, and not to have desired you to come. Now if as 
§. 11. y OU sa y y OU did no t come because the times were such, you 
ought to have considered such times beforehand, and not to 
have become the authors of schism, and of mourning and 
lamentation in the Churches. But as the matter stands, 
men, who have been the cause of these things, shew that it is 
not the times that are to blame, but the determination of 
those who will not meet a Council. 
§. 26. 1 1 . But I wonder also how you could ever have written that 
part of your letter, in which you say, that I alone wrote, and 
not to all of you, but to the Eusebians only. In this complaint 
one may discover more of readiness to find fault than of 
regard for truth. I received the letters against Athanasius 
from none other than those connected with Martyrius and 
Hesychius, and I necessarily wrote to them who had written 
against him. Either then the Eusebians ought not alone to 
have written, apart from you all, or else you, to whom I did not 
write, ought not to be offended that I wrote to them who had 
written to me. If it was right that I should address my 
letter to you all, you also ought to have written with them ; 
but now, considering what was reasonable, I wrote to them 
who had addressed themselves to me, and had given me 
information. But if you were displeased because I alone 
wrote to them, it is but consistent that you should also be 
angry, because they wrote to me alone. But for this also, 
dearly beloved, there was a fair and reasonable cause. 
Nevertheless it is necessary that I should acquaint you that, 
although I only wrote, yet the sentiments I expressed were 
not those of myself alone, but of all the Bishops throughout 
Italy and in these parts. I indeed was unwilling to cause 
them all to write, lest the others should be overpowered by their 
number. The Bishops however assembled on the appointed 
day, and agreed in these opinions, which I again write to 
signify to you; so that, dearly beloved, although I alone 
address you, yet you may be assured that these are the 
sentiments of all. Thus much for the excuses, not reason - 

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The Reports at the Mareotis of an ex parte nature. 47 

able, but unjust and suspicious, which some of you have Tb. II. 
alleged for your conduct. 27 ' . 

12. Now although what has already been said were sufficient §. 27. 
to shew that we have not admitted to our communion our 
brothers Athanasius and Marcellus either too readily, or 
unjustly, yet it is but fair briefly to set the matter before 
you. Eusebius's friends wrote formerly against the friends 

of Athanasius, as you also have written now; but a great 
number of Bishops out of Egypt and other provinces wrote 
in his favour. Now in the first place, your letters against 
him are inconsistent with one another, and the latter have 
no sort of agreement with the former, but in many instances 
the former are answered by the latter, and the latter are 
impeached by the former. Now where there is this contra- 
diction in letters, no credit whatever is due to the statements 
they contain. In the next place, if you require us to believe 
what you have written, it is but consistent that we should 
not refuse credit to those who have written in his favour 1 ; 1 vid. 
especially, considering that you write from a distance, while "^"19/ 
they are on the spot, are acquainted with the man, and the 
events which are occurring there, and testify in writing to 
his manner of life, and positively affirm that he has been the 
victim of a conspiracy throughout. 

13. Again, a certain Bishop Arsenius was said at one time 
to have been destroyed by Athanasius, but we have learned 
that he is alive, nay, that he is on terms of friendship with 
him. He has positively asserted that the Reports drawn up 
in the Mareotis were ex parte ones ; for that neither the 
Presbyter Macarius, the accused party, was present, nor yet 
his Bishop, Athanasius himself. This we have learnt, not only 
from his own mouth, but also from the Reports which Martyrius 
and Hesychius brought to us 5 ; for we found on reading * vid. 
them, that the accuser Ischyras was present there, but^*' 
neither Macarius, nor the Bishop Athanasius ; and that the 
Presbyters of Athanasius desired to attend, but were not 
permitted. Now, dearly beloved, if the trial was to be 
conducted honestly, not only the accuser, but the accused 
also ought to have been present. As the accused party 
Macarius attended at Tyre, as well as the accuser Ischyras, 
when nothing was proved against him, so not only ought the 

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48 And open to a triumphant exposure. 

Apou accuser to have gone to the Mareotis, but also the accused, 

aq ' Ab * so that he might be present when he was convicted, or if he 
was acquitted, might have opportunity to expose the calumny. 
But now, as this was not the case, but the accuser only went 
out thither, with those to whom Athanasius objected, the 
proceedings wear a suspicious appearance. 

§. 28. 14. And he complained also that the persons who went to 
the Mareotis went against his wish, for that Theognius, 
Maris, Theodoras, Ursacius, Valens, and Macedonius, who 
were the persons they sent out, were of suspected character. 
This he shewed not by his own assertion merely, but from a 
letter of Alexander who was Bishop of Thessalonica ; for he 

1 infr. produced a letter written by him to Dionysius', the Count 
80 ' who presided in the Council, in which he shews most clearly 
that there was a conspiracy on foot against Athanasius. He 
has also brought forward a genuine document, all in the hand- 

* §. 64. writing of the accuser Ischyras himself*, in which he calls 
God Almighty to witness that no chalice was broken, nor 
table overthrown, but that he had been suborned by cer- 
tain persons to invent these accusations. Moreover, when 

3 §.74. the Presbyters of the Mareotis arrived 3 , they positively 
affirmed that Ischyras was not a Presbyter of the Catholic 
Church, and that Macarius had not committed any such 
offence as the other had laid to his charge. The Presbyters 
and Deacons also who came to us testified in the fullest | 
manner in favour of the Bishop Athanasius, strenuously 
asserting that none of those things which were alleged against 
him were true, but that he was the victim of a conspiracy. 
15. And all the Bishops of Egypt and Libya wrote and pro- 

4 snpr. tested 4 that his ordination was lawful and strictly ecclesiastical) 
* p " and that all that you had advanced against him was false, 
for that no murder had been committed, nor any persons 
despatched on his account, nor any chalice broken, but that 
all was false. Nay, the Bishop Athanasius also shewed from 
the ex parte Reports drawn up in the Mareotis, that a Cate- 

«infr. chumen was examined and said 5 , that he was within with 

§• 83. 

Ischyras, at the time when they say Macarius the Presbyter 
of Athanasius burst into the place ; and that others who were 
6 J? *ix- examined said, — one, that Ischyras was in a small cell 6 , — and 
*** another, that he lay behind the door, being sick at that very 

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Athan. not afraid to shew himself at Rome. 


time, when they say Macarius came thither. Now from these Tr. it. 
representations of his, we are naturally led to ask the 28 ' 2 - 9 - 
question, How was it possible that a man who was lying 
behind the door sick could get up, conduct the service^ and 
offer the Oblations ? and how could it be that Oblations were 
offered in the presence of Catechumens 1 ? for if there were 1 Bingh. 
Catechumens present, it was not yet the time for presenting D g*g* 
the Oblations. These representations, as I said, were made 
by the Bishop Athanasius, and he shewed from the Reports, 
what was also positively affirmed by those who were with 
him, that Ischyras has never been a Presbyter at all in the 
Catholic Church, nor has ever appeared as a Presbyter in 
the assemblies of the Church ; for not even when Alexander 
admitted those of the Meletian schism, by the indulgence of 
the great Council, was he named by Meletius among his 
Presbyters, as they deposed*; which is the strongest argument 8 im- 
possible that he was not even a Presbyter of Meletius; for*"^ 1 " 
otherwise, he would certainly have been numbered with the 
rest. Besides, it was shewn also by Athanasius from the 
Reports, that Ischyras had spoken falsely in other instances : 
for he set up a charge respecting the burning of certain books, 
when, as they pretend, Macarius burst in upon them, but 
was convicted of falsehood by the witnesses he himself 
brought to prove it. 

16. Now when these things were thus represented to us,§. 29. 
and so many witnesses appeared in his favour, and so much 
was advanced by him in his own justification, what did it 
become us to do? what did the Canon 3 of the Church require 3 pp. 3. 
of us, but that we should not condemn him, but rather 46 * 55 ' 
receive him and treat him as a Bishop, as we have done ? 
Moreover, besides all this he continued here a year and six 
months g , expecting the arrival of yourselves and of whoever 
chose to come. His presence overcame us all, for he would 
not have been here, had he not felt confident in his cause ; 
and he came not of his own accord, but on a summons 4 by 4 *\nl%)t 

8 Valesius, Montfaucon, and Cou- Baronius and Tillemont follow Socrates 

stant, consider these eighteen months in supposing two journeys of Athan. to 

to run from about May 341 , upon Gre- Rome, and that the eighteen months 

gory's usurpation, to October or Novem- began in 339 or 340, and had a break 

ber 342, when the Council of Rome in them, during which he returned to 

terminated, as Schelstrate also thinks. Alexandria. 



Gregory uncanomcally put in his place. 

apol. letter from us, in the manner in which we wrote to you. But still 
aq. Ar. com p] am after of our transgressing the Canons. Now 
consider ; who are they that have so acted ? we who received 
this man after such ample proof of his innocence, or they 
who being at Antioch at the distance of six and thirty posts'; 
appointed a stranger to be Bishop, and sent him to Alex- 
andria with a military force; a thing which was not done 
even when Athanasius was banished into Gaul, though it 
would have been done then, had he been really proved guilty 
of the offence. But when he returned, of course he found 
his Church unoccupied and waiting for him. 
§. 30. 17. But now I am ignorant under what colour these proceed- 
ings have been conducted. In the first place, if the truth must 
be spoken, it was not right, when we had written to summon a 
Council, that any persons should anticipate its decisions 1 : and 
in the next place, it was not fitting that such novel proceedings 
should be adopted against the Church. For what Canon of 
1 p. 41, the Church 1 , or what Apostolical tradition warrants this, that 
p. 0 ^?' when the Church was at peace, and so many Bishops were 
in unanimity with Athanasius the Bishop of Alexandria, 
Gregory should be sent thither, a stranger to the city, not 
having been baptized there, nor known to the general body, 
and desired neither by Presbyters, nor Bishops, nor Laity — 
that he should be ordained at Antioch, and sent to Alexandria, 
accompanied not by Presbyters, nor by Deacons of the city, 
nor by Bishops of Egypt, but by soldiers? for they who 
came hither complained that this was the case. 

18. Even supposing that Athanasius was in the position of 
a criminal after the Council, this appointment ought not to 
have been made thus illegally and contrary to the Canon of 
the Church, but the Bishops of the province ought to have 

h or rather, halfc», f*tra). They a day along the Roman roads." ch. ii. 

are enumerated in the Itinerary of M»wi or raansio properly means the 

Antoninus, and are set down on huiiding, where soldiers or other public 

Montfaucon's plate. The route passes officers rested at night, (hence its appli- 

over the Delta to Pelusium, and then cation to monastic houses.) Such build- 

coasts all the way to Antioch. These ings included granaries, stabling, &e. 

mm) were day's journeys, Coustant vid. Cod. Theod. ed. Gothofr. 1666. 1. 1. 

in Hilar. Psalm 118, Lit. 5. 2. or half p. 47. t. 2. p. 507. Ducange Gloss, t. 4. 

a day's journey, Herman, ibid ; and p. 426. Col. 2. 

were at unequal intervals, Ambros. in 1 The Eusebians kept the Pope's 

Psalm 118, Serm. 5. §. 5. Gibbon says legates, and hastened their own Coxm- 

that by the government conveyances, cil of the Dedication by way of anti- 

" it was easy to travel an 100 miles in cipating him in their decision. 

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and with outrages put in possession. 


ordained one in that very Church, of that very Priesthood, of Tr. II. 
that very Clergy 1 ; and the Canons 2 received from the 20l 31 * 
Apostles ought not thus to be set aside. Had this offence Bingh. 
been committed against any one of you, would you not have i Jr 
exclaimed against it, and demanded justice as for the trans- 2 pp. '3, 
gression of the Canons ? Dearly beloved, we speak honestly, 60, 
as in the presence of God, and declare, that this proceeding 
was neither pious, nor lawful, nor ecclesiastical. Moreover, 
the account which is given of the conduct of Gregory on his 
entry into the city, plainly shews the character of his appoint- 
ment. In such peaceful times, as those who came from 
Alexandria declared them to have been, and as the Bishops 
also represented in their letters, the Church was set on fire 3 ; 3 »upr. 
Virgins were stripped; Monks were trodden under foot; p " 6 * 
Presbyters and many of the people were scourged and 
suffered violence; Bishops were cast into prison; multitudes 
were dragged about from place to place ; the holy Mysteries k , 
about which they accused the Presbyter Macarius, were 
seized upon by heathens and cast upon the ground ; and all 
to constrain certain persons to admit the appointment of 
Gregory. Such conduct plainly shews who they are that 
transgress the Canons. Had the appointment been lawful, 
he would not have had recourse to illegal proceedings to 
compel the obedience of those who in a legal way resisted 
him. And notwithstanding all this, you write that perfect 
peace prevailed in Alexandria and Egypt. Surely not, unless 
the works of peace are entirely changed, and you call such 
doings as these peace. 

19. I have also thought it necessary to point out to you§. 81. 
this circumstance, viz. that Athanasius positively asserted 
that Macarius was kept at Tyre under a guard of soldiers, 
while only his accuser accompanied those who went to the 
Mareotis 4 ; and that the Presbyters who desired to attend the 4 p- si. 
inquiry were not permitted, while the said inquiry respecting 
the chalice and the Table was carried on before the Prefect 
and his baud, and in the presence of Heathens and Jews. 

k Athan. only suggests this, supr. cons bruised with lead ; nay, even on 

p. 6. S. Hilary says the same of the Christ Himself (the Saints understand 

conduct of the Arians at Toulouse ; my meaning) hands were laid." Contr. 

" Clerks were beaten with clubs ; Dea- Coustant. 11. 

E 2 

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52 Marcellus not to be suspected of heresy. 

Apol, This at first seemed incredible, but it was proved to have 
AQ,AR ' been so from the Reports; which caused great astonishment 
to us, as I suppose, dearly beloved, it does to you also. 
Presbyters, who are the ministers of the Mysteries, are not 
permitted to attend, but an enquiry concerning Christ's 
nfrrwZ Blood and Christ's Body is carried on before an external 1 
judge, in the presence of Catechumens, nay, worse than that, 
before Heathens and Jews, who have so bad a name in regard 
to Christianity. Even supposing that an offence had been 
committed, it should have been investigated legally in the 
Church and by the Clergy, not by heathens who abhor the 
Word and know not the Truth. I am persuaded that both 
you and all men must perceive the nature and magnitude of 
this sin. Thus much concerning Athanasius. 
§. 32. 20- With respect to Marcellus 1 , forasmuch as you have 
charged him also of impiety towards Christ, I am anxious to 
inform you, that when he was here, he positively declared 
that what you had written concerning him was not true; 
but being nevertheless requested by us to give an account of 
his faith, he answered in his own person with the utmost 
boldness, so that we were obliged to acknowledge that he 

2 vid. maintains nothing except the truth. He made a confession 9 
Hfier^ °^ ^ e same £ 0( Uy doctrines concerning our Lord and Saviour 
2, 3. and Jesus Christ as the Catholic Church confesses; and he 
j^? 3, affirmed that he had held these opinions for a very long 

time, and had not recently adopted them: as indeed our 

3 vin- Presbyters 3 , who were at a former date present at the Council 
and*" 18 °^ ^* caea > testified to his orthodoxy ; for he maintained then, 
Vito. as he has done now, his opposition to Arianism, (on which 

point it is right to admonish you, lest any of you admit such 
iTim.i, heresy, instead of abominating it as alien from sound doc- 


I Julius here acquits Marcellus ; but separated him from his communion, as 

it would seem that he did not eventually agreeing with Photinus his disciple, 

preserve himself from heretical notions, Fragra. ii. 23. Sulpicius says the same, 

even if he deserved a favourable judg- He is considered heretical by S. Epi- 

ment at this time. Athan. sides with phanius, loc.cit. S. Basil, Epp. 69, 125, 

him, de Fug. 3. Hist. Arian. 6. but 263, 265. S. Chrysostom in Hebr. Horn. 

Epiphanins records, that on his asking ii. 2. Theodore*, Hser.ii. 10. vid. Petav. 

Athanasius what he (Athan.) thought de Trin. i. 13. who condemns him, and 

of Marcellus, a smile came on his face j Bull far more strongly. Def. F. N . ii. 1. 

and he implied that there was some un- §. 9. Montfaucon defends him, (in a 

soundness in Marcellus's views which special Dissertation, Collect. Nov. torn, 

perhaps be did not like to expose. Haer. 2.) and Tillemont, Mem. torn. 7. p. 513. 

72. n. 4. And S. Hilary says that Athan. and Natalis Alex. Sa?c. iv. Dissert. 30. 

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trine.) Seeing then that he professed orthodox opinions, Tr. II. 
and had testimony to his orthodoxy, what, I ask again in — - — - 
his case, ought we to have done, except to receive him as a 
Bishop, as we did, and not reject him from our communion ? 

21. These things I have written, not so much for the purpose 
of defending their cause, as in order to convince you, that 

we acted justly and canonically 1 in receiving these persons, ^pp. 5. 
atid that you are contentious without a cause. But it is 
your duty to use your anxious endeavours and to labour by 
every means to correct the irregularities which have been 
committed contrary to the Canon, and to secure the peace of 
the Churches; so that the peace of our Lord which has been 
given to us may remain, and the Churches may not be 
divided, nor you incur the charge of being authors of schism. 
For I confess, your past conduct is an occasion of schism 
rather than of peace. 

22. For not only the Bishops Athanasius and Marcellus came §. 33. 
hither and complained of the injustice that had been done 
them, but many other Bishops also m , from Thrace, from 
Coele-Syria, from Phoenicia and Palestine, and Presbyters 

not a few, and others from Alexandria and from other parts, 
were present at the Council here, and in addition to their 
other statements, lamented before all the assembled Bishops 
the violence and injustice which the Churches had suffered, 
and affirmed that similar outrages to those which had been 
committed in Alexandria had occurred in their own Churches, 
and in others also. Again, there lately came Presbyters with 
letters from Egypt and Alexandria, who complained that many 
Bishops and Presbyters who wished to come to the Council 
were prevented ; for they said that, since the departure of 
Athanasius n even up to this time, Bishops who are confessors 0 # 
have been beaten with stripes, that others have been cast 
into prison, and that but lately aged men, who have been 
an exceedingly long period in the Episcopate, have been 

m The names of few are known ; Antioch. A than. Hist. Ar. 12. 

perhaps Marcellus, Asclepas, Paul of • e. g. Saparammon and Potamo,both 

Constantinople, Lucius of Adrianople. Confessors, who were of the number of 

vid. Montf. in loc. Tillem. Mem. torn, the Nicene Fathers, and had defended 

7. p. 272. Athan. at Tyre, were, the former ba- 

n These outrages took place imme- nished, the latter beaten to death, vid. 

diately on the dismission of Elpidius and infr. Hist. Ar. 12. 
Philoxenus, the Pope's legates, from 

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The duty of the Pope under such circumstances. 

A pol. given up to be employed in the public works, and nearly all 
ag. Ab. ^ Q] er gy 0 f t |j e Catholic Church with the people are 
the objects of plots and persecutions. Moreover they said 
that certain Bishops and other brethren had been banished 
for no other reason than to compel them against their will to 
communicate with Gregory and his Arian associates. We 
have heard also from others, what is confirmed by the 
testimony of the Bishop Marcellus, that a number of out- 
rages, similar to those which were committed at Alex- 
andria, have occurred also at Ancyra in Galatia p . And in 
addition to all this, those who came to the Council reported 
against some of you (for I will not mention names) certain 
charges of so dreadful a nature that I have declined setting 
them down in writing : perhaps you also have heard them 
from others. It was for this cause especially that I wrote 
1 r{«r{i-to desire 1 you to come, that you might be present to hear 
w*pim tnemj an( j t h at on irregularities might be corrected and 
differences healed. And those who were called for these 
purposes ought not to have refused, but to have come the 
more readily, lest by failing to do so they should be 
suspected of what was alleged against them, and be thought 
unable to prove what they had written. 
§. 34. 28. Now according to these representations, since the 
Churches are thus afflicted and treacherously assaulted, as our 
informants positively affirmed, who are they that have lighted 
*vid. up the flame of discord 2 ? We, who grieve for such a 
supr. p. gtete Q j. t jjj n g S sympathize with the sufferings of 

the brethren, or those who have brought these things 
about? While then such extreme confusion existed in 
every Church, which was the cause why those who 
visited us came hither, I wonder how you could write that 
unanimity prevailed in the Churches. These things tend 
not to the edification of the Church, but to her destruction ; 
and those who rejoice in them are not sons of peace, but of 
l Cor. confusion : but our God is not a God of confusion, but of 
14,33. p eace Wherefore, as the God and Father of our Lord 
Jesus Christ knows, it was from a regard for your good name, 

P The Pseudo-Sardican Council, i.e. Hilar. Fragm. iii. 9. but the character 
theEusebiansatPhilippopolis,retortthis of the outrages fixes them on the 
accusation on the party of Marcellus ; Arians. vid. infr. p. 71 , note h. 

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The Eusebians must change their course. 55 

and with prayers that the Churches might not fall intoTR. n. 
confusion, but might continue as they were regulated 1 34 ' 36 ' 
by the Apostles, that I thought it necessary to write thu S , ' , r'" 
unto you, to the end that you might at length discountenance 
those who through the effects of their mutual enmity have f 6^ 
brought the Churches to this condition. For I have heard ' ' 
that ,t is only a certain few* who are the authors of all these'' adE». 

24. Now, as having bowels of mercy, take ye care to correct, * ^ 
as 1 said before, those irregularities which have been com- 
mitted contrary to the Canon, so that if any mischief has 
already befallen, it may be healed through your zeal. And * 
write not that I have preferred the communion of MarceUus 
and Athanasius to yours, for such like complaints are no 
indications of peace, but of contentiousness and hatred of 
the brethren. For this cause I have written the foregoing 
that you may understand that we acted not unjustly in' 
admitting them to our communion, and so may cease this 
strife. If you had come hither, and they had been con- 
demned, and had appeared unable to produce reasonable 
evidence in support of their cause, you would have done 
well in writing thus. But seeing that, as I said before, we 
acted agreeably to the Canon, and not unjustly, in holding 
communion with them, I beseech you for the sake of Christ, 
suffer not the members of Christ to be torn asunder, neither 
trust to prejudices, but seek rather the peace of the Lord. 
It is neither holy nor just, in order to gratify the narrow- 
spirif of a few persons, to reject those who have never been 1 /«f* 
condemned, and thereby to grieve the Spirit. But if you 
think that you are able to prove any thing against them, and*"-'' 1 "' 
to confute them face to face, let those of you who please 
come hither: for they also promised that they would be 
ready to establish completely the truth of those things which 
they have reported to us. 

25. Give us notice therefore of this, dearly beloved, that we § 35 
may write both to them, and to the Bishops who will have 
again to assemble, so that the guilty may be condemned in 
the presence of all, and confusion no longer prevail in the 
Churches. What has already taken place is enough : it is 
enough surely that Bishops have been sentenced to banish- 

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56 Their conduct inconsistent tenth the Pope's prerogatives, 

Apol. ment in the presence of Bishops ; of which it behoves me 
ag ' Ab * not to speak at length, lest I appear to press too heavily on 
those who were present on those occasions. But if one 
must speak the truth, matters ought not to have proceeded 
l f«xp- so far; their private feelings 1 ought not to have been suffered 
P.1S?' to reacn theh- present pitch. Let us grant the " removal," 
as you write, of Athanasius and Marcellus, from their own 
places, yet what must one say of the case of the other 
Bishops and Presbyters who, as I said before, came hither 
from various parts, and who complained that they also had 
been forced away, and had suffered the like injuries? O 
dearly beloved, the decisions of the Church are no longer 
according to the Gospel, but tend only to banishment and 
2 Hist, death 2 . Supposing, as you assert, that some offence rested 
1 67. n «pon those persons, the case ought to have been conducted 
against them, not after this manner, but according to the 
3 p. 53. Canon of the Church 5 . Word should have been written of 
it to us all q , that so a just sentence might proceed from all. 
For the sufferers were Bishops, and Churches of no ordinary 
note, but those which the Apostles themselves had governed 
in their own persons*. 

26. And why was nothing said to us concerning the Church 
of the Alexandrians in particular? Are you ignorant that 
the custom has been for word to be written first to us, and 
then for a just sentence to be past from this place' ? If then 
any such suspicion rested upon the Bishop there, notice 
thereof ought to have been sent to the Church of this place ; 
whereas, after neglecting to inform us, and proceeding on 
their own authority as they pleased, now they desire to 

« Coustant in loe. fairly insists on the Churches ought not to make Canons 

word " all," as shewing that S. Julius beside the will of the Bishop of Rome." 

does not here claim the prerogative of Hist. ii. 17. Sozomen in like manner, 

judging by himself all Bishops what- " for it was a sacerdotal law, to declare 

ever, and that whatfollows relates mere- invalid whatever was transacted beside 

ly to the Church of Alexandria. the will of the Bishop of the Romans." 

r St. Peter (Greg. M. Epist. vii. Ind. Hist. iii. 10. vid. Pope Damasus ap. 

15. 40.) or St. Mark (Leo, Ep. 9.) Theod. Hist. v. 10. Leon. Epist. 14. 

at Alexandria, St. Paul at Ancyra &c. In the passage in the text the pre- 

in Galatia, (Tertull. contr. Marcion. iv. rogative of the Roman see is limited, as 

5.) vid. Coustant. in loc. Constant observes, to the instance of 

* Socrates says somewhat differently, Alexandria; and we actually find in 

" Julius wrote back. . . .that they acted the third century a complaint lodged 

against the Canons, because they had against its Bishop Dionysius with the 

not called him to a Council, the Eccle- Pope, 
siastical Canon commanding that the 

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at Alexandria, and as the successor of St. Peter. 57 

obtain our concurrence in their decisions, though we never Tr. II. 
condemned him. Not so have the Constitutions' of Paul,— — — 
not so have the traditions of the Fathers directed ; this is 
another form of procedure, a novel practice. I beseech 
you> readily bear with me : what I write is for the common 
good. For what we have received from the blessed Apostle 
Peter", that I signify to you ; and I should not have written 
this, as deeming that these things were manifest unto all 
men, had not these proceedings so disturbed us. Bishops 
are forced away from their sees and driven into banish- 
ment, while others from different quarters are appointed in 
their place; others are treacherously assailed, so that the 
people have to grieve for those who are forcibly taken from 
ihem, while, as to those who are sent in their room, they are 
obliged to give over seeking the man whom they desire, and to 
receive those they do not. 

27. I ask 1 of you, that such things may no longer be, but i i&Z 
that you will denounce in writing those persons who at- 
tempt them; so that the Churches may no longer be 
afflicted thus, nor any Bishop or Presbyter be treated 
with insult, nor any one be compelled to act contrary 
to his judgment, as they have represented to us, lest we 
become a laughing-stock among the heathen, and above all, 
lest we excite the wrath of God against us. For every one 
of us shall give account in the Day of judgment of the things 
which he has done in this life. May we all be possessed 
with the mind of God! so that the Churches may recover 
their own Bishops, and rejoice evermore in Jesus Christ our 
Lord; through Whom to the Father be glory, for ever and 
ever. Arnen. 

' lm<ra%us. St Paul says i» 
ixxXncrtmJS ttareirropat. 1 Cor. vii. 1 7. 
r«2s \a»*k 1tara%*fMU. Ibid. xi. 34. vid. 
Pearson, Vind. Ignat. p. 298. Hence 
Constant in loc. Athan. would suppose 
Julius to refer to 1 Cor. v. 4. which 
Athan. actually quotes, Ep. Encycl. 
§. 2. supr. pp. 4. 5. Pearson loc. cit. 
considers the 3iaroguf of the Apostles, 
as a collection of regulations and usages, 
which more or less represented, or 
claimed to represent, what may he called 
St. Paul's rule, or St. Peter's rule, &c. 

Cotelier considers the &«r«gij# as the 
same as the &3«£«2, the " doctrine" or 
" teaching" of the Apostles. Prafat. in 
Const. Apost. So does Beveridge, Cod. 
Can. Illustr. ii. 9. §. 5. 

u [Petri] in Sede sua vivit potestas 
et excellitauctoritas. Leon.Serm.iii.3. 
vid. contra Barrow on the Supremacy, 
p. 116. ed. 1836. " not one Bishop, but 
all Bishops together through the whole 
Church, do sucoeed St. Peter, or any 
other Apostle." 

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58 Benediction. 

Apol. I pray for your health in the Lord, brethren dearly 
ao. An. fr e } ove j ajjfl greatly longed for. 

§. 86. 28. Thus wrote the Council of Rome by Julius Bishop of 

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1. But when, notwithstanding, the Eusebians proceeded 
without shame, disturbing the Churches, and plotting the 
ruin of many, the most religious Emperors Constantius and 
Constans being informed of this, commanded 1 the Bishops 1 UUi#- 
from both the West and East to meet together in the city of**' 
Sardica. In the mean time Eusebius* died: but a P eat ^ e ^ 
number assembled from all parts, and we challenged the 
associates of Eusebius to submit to a trial. But they, 
haying before their eyes the things that they had done, and 
perceiving that their accusers had come up to the Council, 
were afraid to do this ; but, while all beside met with honest 
intentions, they again brought with them the Counts* Mu-^ 1 ^ 
sonianus* and Hesychius the Castrensian b , that, as their 
custom was, they might effect their own aims by their 
authority. But when the Council met without the Counts, 
and no soldiers were permitted to be present, they were 
confounded, and conscience-stricken, because they could no 
longer obtain what judgment they wished, but such only as 
reason and truth 4 required. We, however, frequently repeated 4 J *** 
our challenge, and the Council of Bishops called upon them*^!^ 
to come forward, saying, " You have come for the purpose ^j 1 - P» 
of undergoing a trial; why then do you now withdraw 
yourselves ? Either you ought not to have come, or having 
come, not to conceal yourselves. Such conduct will prove 

* Musonian was originally of An- p. 73, note a.) Libanius praises him. 
tioch, and his name Strategius ; be b The Castrensians were the officers 

had been promoted and honoured with of the palace ; castra, as 

a new name by Constantine, for whom infr. §. 86. being at this time used for 

he had collected information about the the Imperial Court, vid. Gothofred in 

Manichees. Amm. Marc. xv. 13. §. 1. Cod. Theod. vi. 30. p. 218. Ducange in 

In 354, he was Praetorian Prefect of the voc. 
East. (rid. Libr. of F. O. T. vol. viii. 

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60 Retreat of the Eusebians from Sardica. 

A pol. your greatest condemnation. Behold, Athanasius and his 
^lA^" friends are here, whom you accused while absent; if there- 
fore you think that you have any thing against them, you 
may convict them face to face. But if you pretend to be 
unwilling to do so, while in truth you are unable, you plainly 
shew yourselves to be calumniators, and the Council will 
give sentence against you accordingly." When they heard 
this they were self-condemned, (for they were conscious of 
their machinations and fabrications against us,) and were 
ashamed to appear, thereby proving themselves to have been 
guilty of many base calumnies. 

2. The holy Council therefore denounced their indecent and 
» to Phi- suspicious flight 1 , and admitted us to make our defence; 
hppopo- an( j w j ien we had related their conduct towards us, and 
proved the truth of our statements by witnesses and other 
evidence, they were filled with astonishment, and all ac- 
knowledged that our opponents had good reason to be 
afraid to meet the Council, lest their guilt should be proved 
before their faces. They said also, that probably they had 
come from the East, supposing that Athanasius and his 
friends would not appear, but that, when they saw them con- 
fident in their cause, and challenging a trial, they fled. 
They accordingly received us as injured persons who had 
2 been falsely accused, and confirmed 2 yet more towards us 
**' r Xm their fellowship and loving hospitality 3 . But they deposed 
P^ps, Eusebius's associates in wickedness, who had become even 
3 *y«*«f. more shameless than himself, viz. Theodorus 4 of Heraclea, Nar- 
not/b ' c * ssus °f Neronias, Acacius 5 of Caesarea, Stephanus 6 of Antioch, 
5 vol. 8, Ursacius and Valens of Pannonia, Menophantus of Ephesus, 
e Hist. ^ ^ George 7 of Laodicaea; and they wrote to the Bishops in 
Arian. a ll parts of the world, and to the diocese 8 of each of the 
^p?25.f. injured persons, in the following terms. 

*'* 3. Letter of the Council of Sardica to the Church of 


9 vid The Holy Council, by the grace of God assembled at 

supr. p. Sardica, from 9 Rome, Spain, Gaul, Italy, Campania, Calabria, 

where Apulia, Africa, Sardinia, Pannonia, Mysia, Dacia, Noricum, 

Them*-' Siscia > Dardania, the other Dacia, Macedonia, Thessaly, 

ly, Sici- Achaia, Epirus, Thrace, Rhodope, Palestine, Arabia, Crete, 
ly, Bri- 

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The Council of Sardica to the Alexandrian Church. 61 

and Egypt, to their dearly beloved brethren, the Presbyters Tr. 1 1, 
and Deacons, and to all the Holy Church of God abiding at 36t 37 ' 

Alexandria, sends health in the Lord. Sdd^ 0, 
We were not ignorant, but the fact was well known to us, 

even before we received the letters of your piety, that the Hi«t. ii. 

supporters of the abominated heresy of the Arians werep;^, 

practising many dangerous machinations, rather to the §. 37. 

destruction of their own souls, than to the injury of the 
Church. For this has ever been the object of their unprin- 
cipled craft; this is the deadly design in which they have been 
continually engaged; viz. how they may best expel from 
their places and persecute all who are to be found any where 
of orthodox sentiments, and maintaining the doctrine of the 
Catholic Church, which was delivered to them from the 
Fathers. Against some they have laid false accusations ; 
others they have driven into banishment ; others they have 
destroyed by the punishments inflicted on them. Thus also 
they endeavoured by violence and tyranny to surprise the 
innocence of our brother and fellow Bishop Athanasius, and 
therefore conducted their enquiry into his case without any 
scrupulous care, without any faith, without any sort of 
justice. Accordingly having no confidence in the part they 
had played on that occasion, nor yet in the reports they had 
circulated against him, but perceiving that they were unable 
to produce any certain evidence respecting them, when they 
came to the city of Sardica, they were unwilling to meet the 
Council of all the holy Bishops. From this it became 
evident that the decision of our brother and fellow-Bishop 
Julius was a just one 1 ; for after cautious deliberation and 'vid. 
care he had determined, that we ought not to hesitate at allg^'J^ 
about holding communion with our brother Athanasius. p* 
For he had the credible testimony of eighty Bishops, and 
was also able to advance this fair argument in his support, 
that by the mere means of our dearly beloved brethren his own 
Presbyters, and by correspondence, he had defeated the 
designs of the Eusebians, who relied more upon violence 
than upon a judicial enquiry. 

4. Wherefore all the Bishops from all parts determined upon 
holding communion with Athanasius on the ground that he 
was innocent. And let your charity also observe, that when 

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62 Letter of the Council of Sardica 

A pol. he came to the holy Council assembled at Sardica, the 
ao. A». Bj s jj 0 p S 0 f tne jg ast were informed of the circumstance, as 
we said before, both by letter, and by injunctions conveyed 
1 Uxii by word of mouth, and were summoned 1 by us to be present. 
vld?p. ® ut > being condemned by their own conscience, they had 
49. r. 3. recourse to unbecoming excuses, and set themselves to avoid 
the enquiry. They demanded that an innocent man should 
be rejected from our communion, just as if he had been 
guilty, not considering how unbecoming, or rather how 
impossible, such a proceeding was. And as for the Reports 
which were framed in the Mareotis by certain most wicked 
«sopr. and most profligate youths*, to whose hands one would not 
notem. commit the very lowest office of the ministry, it is certain 
that they were ex parte statements. For neither was our 
brother the Bishop Athanasius present on the occasion, nor 
the Presbyter Macarius who was accused by them. And 
besides, their enquiry, or rather their falsification of facts, 
was attended by the most disgraceful circumstances. Some- 
times heathens, sometimes Catechumens, were examined, 
not that they might declare what they knew, but that they 
might assert those falsehoods which they had been taught by 
others. And when you Presbyters, who were anxious in the 
absence of your Bishop, desired to be present at the enquiry, 
in order that you might shew the truth, and disprove false- 
hood, no regard was paid to you; they would not permit 
you to be present, but drove you away with insult. 

5. Now although their calumnies have been most plainly 
exposed before all men by these circumstances ; yet we found 
also, on reading the Reports, that that most iniquitous person, 
Ischyras, who has obtained from them the empty title of 
Bishop as his reward for the false accusation, had convicted 
himself of calumny. He declares in the Reports that at the 
very time when, according to his positive assertions, Macarius 
entered his cell, he lay there sick ; whereas the Eusebians 
have had the boldness to write that Ischyras was standing 
» pp. 30, U p offering the oblations, when Macarius came in 8 . 
§. 88. 6* The base and slanderous charge which they next alleged 
against him, has become well-known to all men. They 
raised a great outcry, affirming that Athanasius had com- 
mitted murder, and had destroyed one Arsenius a Meletian 

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to the Church of Alexandria. 


Bishop, whose loss they pretended to deplore with feigned Tn. II. 
lamentations and untrue tears, and demanded that the body — — 
of a living man, as if a dead one, should be given up to 
them. But their fraud was easily detected : one and all 
knew that the person was alive, and was numbered among 
the living 1 . ^£P- 

7. And when these men, who are ready upon any op- 
portunity, perceived their falsehoods detected, (for Arsenius 
shewed himself alive, and so proved that he had not been 
destroyed, and was not dead,) yet they would not rest, but 
proceeded to other calumnies 9 , and to slander Athanasius by*™i. 
a fresh expedient. Well; our brother, dearly beloved, was 
not confounded, but again in the present case also with 87 * 
great boldness challenged them to the proof, and we too 
prayed and exhorted them to come to the trial, and if they 
were able, to establish their charge against him. O great 
arrogance ! O dreadful pride ! or rather, if one must say the 
troth, O evil and guilt-stricken conscience ! for this is the 
view which all men take of it 

& Wherefore, dearly beloved brethren, we admonish and 
exhort you, above all things to maintain the right faith of 
the Catholic Church. You have undergone many severe 
and grievous trials ; many are the insults and injuries which 
the Catholic Church has suffered, but he that endureth to Matt 
the end the same shall be saved. Wherefore even though ' 
they shall still recklessly assail you, let your tribulation be 
unto you for joy. For such afflictions have a share in 
martyrdom, and such confessions and tortures as yours will 
not be without their reward, but ye shall receive the prize 
from God. Therefore strive above all things in support of 
the sound faith, and of the innocence of your Bishop and 
our brother Athanasius. We also have not held our peace, 
nor been negligent of what concerns your comfort, but have 
deliberated and done whatsoever the claims of charity 
demand. We sympathize with our suffering brethren, and 
their afflictions we consider as our own. 

9. Accordingly we have written to beseech our most re- §. 39. 
ligious and godly Emperors, that their Graces would give 
orders for the release of those who are still suffering from 
affliction and oppression, and would command that none of 

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64 The Council of Sardica to the AlexandHan Church. 

Apol. the magistrates, whose duty it is to attend only to civil 
ag>Ar * causes, give judgment upon Clergy 0 , nor henceforward 
in any way, on pretence of providing for the Churches, 
attempt any thing against the brethren ; but that every one 
may live, as he prays and desires to do, free from persecution, 
from violence and fraud, and in quietness and peace may 
follow the Catholic and Apostolic Faith. As for Gregory, 
who has the reputation of being illegally ordained by the 
heretics, and has been sent by them to your city, we wish 
your unanimity to understand, that he has been degraded by 
a judgment of the whole sacred Council, although indeed he 
has never at any time been considered to be Bishop at all. 
Wherefore receive gladly your Bishop Athanasius, for to this 
end we have dismissed him in peace. And we exhort all 
those who either through fear, or through the intrigues of 
certain persons, have held communion with Gregory, that 
now being admonished, exhorted, and persuaded by us, they 
withdraw from that his accursed communion, and straight- 
way unite themselves to the Catholic Church. 
§. 40. 10. Forasmuch as we have learnt that Aphthonius, Athana- 
1 supr. sius the son of Capito, Paul, and Plutio, our fellow Presbyters l , 
p ' 35# have also suffered from the machinations of the Eusebians, 
so that some of them have had trial of exile, and others have 
fled on peril of their lives, we have in consequence thought 
it necessary to make this known unto you, that you may 
understand that we have received and acquitted them also, 
being aware that whatever has been done by the Eusebians 
against the Orthodox has tended to the glory and com- 
mendation of those who have been attacked by them. It 
were fitting that your Bishop and our brother Athanasius 
should make this known to you respecting them, to his own 
respecting his own ; but as for more abundant testimony he 
wished the holy Council also to write to you, we deferred 
not to do so, but hastened to signify this unto you, that you 
may receive them as we have done, for they also are de- 
serving of praise, because through their piety towards Christ 
they have been thought worthy to endure violence at the 
hands of the heretics. 

c vid. Bingham Antiqu. v. 2. §. 5. Bassi. Biblioth. Jur. t. 1. p. 276. Bel- 
Sec. Gieseler £ccl. Hist. vol. 1. p. 242. larra. de Cleric. 28. 

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The Council of Sardica to the Bishops of Egypt. 65 

II. What decrees have been past by the holy Council against Tm. II. 
those who are at the head of the Arian heresy, and have 40> 41 * 
offended against you, and the rest of the Churches, you will 
learn from the subjoined documents We have sent them to 1 
you, that you may understand from them that the Catholic Letter!' 
Church will not overlook those who offend against her. P- 

12. Letter of the Council of Sardica to the Bishops of 
Egypt and Libya. 

The holy Council, by the grace of God assembled at 
Sardica, to the Bishops of Egypt and Libya, their fellow 
ministers and dearly beloved brethren, sends health in the 

We were not ignorant d , but the fact was well known to us, §. 41. 
even before we received the letters of your piety, that the 
supporters of the abominated heresy of the Arians were 
practising many dangerous machinations, rather to the 
destruction of their own souls, than to the injury of the 
Church. For this has ever been the object of their craft and 
villainy : this is the deadly design in which they have been 
continually engaged, viz. how they may best expel from 
their places and persecute all who are to be found any where 
of orthodox sentiments, and maintaining the doctrine of the 
Catholic Church, which was delivered to them from the 
Fathers. Against some they have laid false accusations; 
others they have driven into banishment ; others they have 
destroyed by the punishments inflicted on them. Thus also 
they endeavoured by violence and tyranny to surprise the 
innocence of our brother and fellow Bishop Athanasius, and 
therefore conducted their enquiry into his case without any 
scrupulous care, without any faith, without any sort of 
justice. Accordingly, having^no confidence in the part they 
had played on that occasion, nor yet in the reports they had 
circulated against him, but perceiving that they were unable 
to produce any certain evidence respecting them, when they 
came to the city of Sardica, they were unwilling to meet the 
Council of all the holy Bishops. From this it became 
evident that the decision of our brother and fellow Bishop 

d It will be observed that this Letter It was first printed in the Benedictine 
m nearly a transcript of the foregoing. Edition. 


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Letter of the Council of Sardica 

apol. Julius was a just one ; for after cautious deliberation and 
* Q * R ' care he had decided, that we ought not to hesitate at all 
about holding communion with our brother Athanasius. 
For he had the credible testimony of eighty Bishops, and 
was also able to advance this fair argument in his support, 
that by the mere means of our dearly beloved brethren his own 
Presbyters, and by correspondence, he had defeated the 
designs of the Eusebians, who relied more upon violence, 
than upon a judicial enquiry. 

13. Wherefore all the Bishops from all parts determined 
upon holding communion with Athanasius on the ground 
that he was innocent. And let your charity also observe, 
that when he came to the holy Council assembled at Sardica, 
the Bishops of the East were informed of the circumstance, 
as we said before, both by letter, and by injunctions con- 
veyed by word of mouth, and were invited by us to be 
present. But, being condemned by their own conscience, 
they had recourse to unbecoming excuses, and began to 
avoid the enquiry. They demanded that an innocent man 
should be rejected from our communion, just as if he had 
been guilty, not considering how unbecoming, or rather how 
impossible, such a proceeding was. And as for the reports 
which were framed in the Mareotis by certain most wicked 
and abandoned youths, to whose hands one would not commit 
the very lowest office of the ministry, it is certain that they 
were ex parte statements. For neither was our brother the 
Bishop Athanasius present on the occasion, nor the Presbyter 
Macarius, who was accused by them. And besides, their 
enquiry, or rather their falsification of facts, was attended by 
the most disgraceful circumstances. Sometimes Heathens, 
sometimes Catechumens, were examined, not that they might 
declare what they knew, but that they might assert those 
falsehoods which they had been taught by others. And when 
you Presbyters, who were anxious in the absence of your 
Bishop, desired to be present at the enquiry, in order that 
you might shew the truth, and disprove falsehood, no regard 
was paid to you ; they would not permit you to be present, 
but drove you away with insult. 

14. Now although their calumnies have been most plainly 
exposed before all men by these circumstances; yet we 

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to the Bishops qf Egypt and Libya. 67 

found also, on reading the Reports, that that most ini- Tr. II. 
quitous person Ischyras, who has obtained from them 41 ' 42 ' 
the empty title of Bishop as his reward for the false ac- 
cusation, had convicted himself of calumny. He declares 
in the Reports, that at the very time when, according 
to his positive assertions, Macarius entered his cell, he lay 
there sick ; whereas the Eusebians have had the boldness to 
write that Ischyras was standing up and offering the oblations, 
when Macarius came in. 

15. The base and slanderous charge which they next alleged §. 42. 
against him has become well known unto all men. They 
raised a great outcry, affirming that Athanasius had com- 
mitted murder, and destroyed one Arsenius a Meletian 
Bishop, whose loss they pretended to deplore with feigned 
lamentations, and untrue tears, and demanded that the body 

of a living man, as if a dead one, should be given up to them. 
But their fraud was easily detected ; one and all knew that 
the person was alive, and was numbered among the living. 

16. And when these men, who are ready upon any oppor- 
tunity, perceived their falsehood detected, (for Arsenius shewed 
himself alive, and so proved that he had not been destroyed, 
and was not dead,) yet they would not rest, but proceeded to 
add other to their former calumnies, and to slander Atha- 
nasius by a fresh expedient. Well: our brother, dearly 
beloved, was not confounded, but again in the present case 
also with great boldness challenged them to the proof, and 
we too prayed and exhorted them to come to the trial, and if 
toey were able, to establish their charge against him. O 
great arrogance ! O dreadful pride ! or rather, if one must 
say the truth, O evil and guilt-stricken conscience ! for this 
is the view which all men take of it. 

17. Wherefore, dearly beloved brethren, we admonish and 
exhort you, above all things, to maintain the right faith of 
the Catholic Church. You have undergone many severe and 
grievous trials ; many are the insults and injuries which the 
Catholic Church has suffered, but he that endureth to /^, 
end, the same shall be saved. Wherefore, even though they 

shall still recklessly assail you, let your tribulation be unto 
you for joy. For such afflictions have a share in martyrdom, 
and such confessions and tortures as yours will not be with- 


Digitized b 

68 The Council of Sardica to the Bishops of Egypt. 

Apol. out their reward, but ye shall receive the prize from God. 

ag. Ar. Therefore, strive above all things in support of the sound 
Faith, and of the innocence of your Bishop and our brother 
Athanasius. We also have not held our peace, nor been 
negligent of what concerns your comfort, but have deli- 
berated and done whatever the claims of charity demand. 
We sympathize with our suffering brethren, and their afflic- 
tions we consider as our own, and have mingled our tears 
with yours. And you, brethren, are not the only persons 
who have suffered: many others also of our brethren in 
ministry have come hither, bitterly lamenting these things. 

§. 43. 18. Accordingly, we have written to beseech our most reli- 
gious and godly Emperors, that their Graces would give 
orders for the release of those who are still suffering from 
affliction and oppression, and would command that none of 
the magistrates, whose duty it is to attend only to civil 
causes, give judgment upon Clergy, nor henceforward in any 
way, on pretence of providing for the Churches, attempt any 
thing against the brethren, but that every one may live, as he 
prays and desires to do, free from persecution, from violence 
and fraud, and in quietness and peace may follow the Catholic 
and Apostolic Faith. As for Gregory who has the reputation 
of being illegally ordained by the heretics, and who has been 
sent by them to your city, we wish your unanimity to under- 
stand, that he has been degraded by the judgment of the 
whole sacred Council, although indeed he has never at any 
time been considered to be a Bishop at all. Wherefore 
receive gladly your Bishop Athanasius; for to this end we 
have dismissed him in peace. And we exhort all those, who 
either through fear, or through the intrigues of certain persons, 
have held communion with Gregory, that being now admo- 
nished, exhorted, and persuaded by us, they withdraw from 
his accursed communion, and straightway unite themselves 
to the Catholic Church. 

19. What decrees have been passed by the holy Council 
against Theodorus, Narcissus, Stephanus, Acacius, Meno- 

i p>60> phantus, Ursacius, Valens, and George 1 , who are the heads 
of the Arian heresy, and have offended against you and the 
rest of the Churches, you will learn from the subjoined 
documents. We have sent them to you, that your piety may 

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Encyclical Letter of the Council of Sardica. 09 

assent to our decisions, and that you may understand fromTn. II. 
them, that the Catholic Church will not overlook those who 4 -±— 
offend against her. 

20. Encyclical Letter of the Council of Sardica. 

The holy Council », by the grace of God, assembled at 1 vid. 
Sardica, to their dearly beloved brethren, the Bishops and h^h. 
fellow-Ministers of the Catholic Church every where, sends 6. HH. 
health in the Lord. Fragm. 

The Arian fanatics have dared repeatedly to attack the§. 44. 
servants of God, who maintain the right faith ; they attempted 
to substitute a spurious doctrine, and to drive out the ortho- 
dox ; and at last they made so violent an assault against the 
Faith, that it became known to the piety of our most religious 
Emperors. Accordingly, the grace of God assisting them, 
our most religious Emperors have themselves assembled us 
together out of different provinces and cities, and have per- 
mitted this holy Council to be held in the city of Sardica; to 
the end that all dissension may be done away, and all false 
doctrine being driven from us, Christian godliness may alone 
be maintained by all men. The Bishops of the East also 
attended, being exhorted to do so by the most religious 
Emperors, chiefly on account of the reports they have so 
often circulated concerning our dearly beloved brethren and 
fellow-ministers Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria, and 
Marcellus Bishop of Ancyro-Galatia. Their calumnies 
have probably already reached you, and perhaps they have 
attempted to disturb your ears, that you may be induced to 
believe their charges against those innocent men, and that 
they may obliterate from your minds any suspicions respect- 
ing their own wicked heresy. But they have not been 
permitted to effect this to any great extent; for the Lord is 
the Defender of His Churches, who endured death for their 
sakes and for us all, and provided access to heaven for us all 
through Himself. When therefore the Eusebians wrote long 
ago to Julius our brother and Bishop of the Church of the 
Romans, against our fore-mentioned brethren, that is to say, 
Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas 6 , the Bishops from the 

e Asclepas, or Asclepius of Gaza, Fathers, and according to Theod. Hist. i. 
Epiph.Hffir.69.4.wa8oneoftheNicene 27. was at the Council of Tyre, which 


Encyclical Letter 

A pol. other parts wrote also, testifying to the innocence of our 
— ! — "fellow-minister Athanasius, and declaring that the repre- 
sentations of the Eusebians were nothing else but mere false- 
hood and calumny. 

21. And indeed their calumnies were clearly proved by the 
1 **»^»-fact that, when they were called 1 to a Council by our dearly 
beloved fellow-minister Julius, they would not come, and 
also by what was written to them by Julius himself. For 
had they had confidence in the measures and the acts in which 
they were engaged against our brethren, they would have 
come. And besides, they gave a still more evident proof of 
their conspiracy by their conduct in this great and holy 
Council. For when they arrived at the city of Sardica, and 
saw our brethren Athanasius, Marcellus, Asclepas, and the 
rest, they were afraid to come to a trial, and though they 
were repeatedly invited to attend, they would not obey the 
summons. Although all we Bishops met together, and 
above all that man of an happy old age, Hosius, one 
who on account of his age, his confession, and the many 
labours he has undergone, is worthy of all reverence ; 
and although we waited and besought them to come to the 
trial, that in the presence of our fellow-ministers they might 
establish the truth of those charges which they had circulated 
and written against them in their absence ; yet they would 
not come, when they were thus called, as we said before, thus 
giving proof of their calumnies, and almost proclaiming to 
the world by this their refusal, the plot and conspiracy in 
which they have been engaged. They who are confident of 
the truth of their assertions are able to make them good 
against their opponents face to face. But as they would not 
meet us, we think that no one can now doubt, however they 
may again have recourse to their bad practices, that they 
possess no proof against our brethren, but calumniate them 
in their absence, while they avoid their presence. 

A than, also attended, but only by com- on the charge of having overturned an 

pulsion. According to the Eusebians altar; and, after Athan. infr.§. 47. that 

at Fhilippopolis, they had deposed him he was acquitted at Sardica on the 

about 330, if the Council of Sardica ground that Eusebius of Csesarea and 

was held 347. They state, however, others had reinstated him in his see, 

at the same time, that he had been con- (before 339.) There is mention of a 

demned by Athanasius and Marcellus. Church built by him in Gaza, ap. Bol- 

vid. Hilar. Fragm. iii. 13. Sozomen, land. Febr. 26. Vit. S. Porphyr. n. 20. 

Hist iii. 8. says that they deposed him p. 648. 

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of the Council of Sardica. 


22. They fled, dearly beloved brethren, not only on account Tb. II. 
of the calumnies they had uttered, but because they saw that t-^ 1 — 
those had come who had various charges to advance against^* ^* 
them. For chains and iron were brought forward which 
they had used ; persons appeared who had returned from 
banishment; there came also our brethren, kinsmen of those 
who were still detained in exile, and friends of such as had 
perished through their means. And what was the most 
weighty ground of accusation, Bishops were present, one 1 of 
whom brought forward the iron and the chains which they 
had caused him to wear, and others testified to the deaths 
which had been brought about by their calumnies. For 
they had proceeded to such a pitch of madness, as even to 
attempt to destroy Bishops ; and would have destroyed 
them, had they not escaped their hands. Our fellow- 
minister, Theodulus of blessed memory*, died during his flight 
from their false accusations, orders having been given in 
consequence of these to put him to death. Others also ex- 
hibited sword-wounds ; and others complained that they 
had been exposed to the pains of hunger through their 
means. Nor were they ordinary persons who testified to 
these things, but whole Churches, in whose behalf legates 
appeared 11 , and told us of soldiers sword in hand, of multi- 
tudes armed with clubs, of the threats of judges, of the use 
of forged letters. For there were read certain forged letters 
of Theognius against our fellow-ministers Athanasius, Mar- 
cellus, and Asclepas, written with the design of exasperating 
the Emperors against them ; and those who had then been 
Deacons of Theognius proved the fact. In addition to 
these things, we heard of virgins stripped naked, Churches 

f Perhaps Lucius of Hadrianople, stans, who died 360. Hist. ii. 26. 

8ays Montfaucon, referring to Apol. de h The usual proceeding of the Arians 

Fug. §. 3. vid. also Hist. Arian. 19. was to retort upon the Catholics the 

8 Theodulus, Bishop of Trajancpolis charges which they brought against 

in Thrace, who is here spoken of as them, supr. p. 54, note p. Accordingly, 

deceased, seems to have suffered this in their Encyclical from Philippopolis, 

persecution from the Eusebians upon they say that " a vast multitude had 

their retreat from Sardica, vid. Athan. congregated at Sardica, of wicked and 

Hist. Arian. §. 19. "We must suppose abandoned persons, from Constantinople 

then with Montfaucon, that the Coun- and Alexandria; who lay under charges 

cil, from whom this letter proceeds, sat of murder, blood, slaughter, robbery, 

some considerable time after that re- plunder, spoiling, and all nameless sa- 

treat, and that the proceedings spoken crileges and crimes ; who had broken 

of took place in the interval. Socrates, altars, burnt Churches, ransacked pri- 

however, makes Theodulus survive Con- vate*.houses, &c. &c. Hil. Fragm iii. 19. 

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75 Encyclical Letter 

Apol. burnt, ministers in custody, and all for no other end, but 
— — — only for the sake of the accursed heresy of the Arian fanatics, 

whose communion whoso refused was forced to suffer these 


23. When they perceived then how matters lay, they were 
in a strait what course to choose. They were ashamed to 
confess all that they had done, but were unable to conceal it 
any longer. They therefore came to the city of Sardica, 
that by their appearance there they might seem to remove 
suspicion from themselves of the guilt of such things. But 
when they saw those whom they had calumniated, and those 
who had suffered at their hands ; when they had before their 
eyes their accusers and the proofs of their guilt, they were 
unwilling to come forward, though invited by our fellow- 
ministers Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas, who with 
great freedom complained of their conduct, and urged and 
challenged them to the trial, promising not only to refute 
their calumnies, but also to bring proof of the offences which 
they had committed against their Churches. But they were 
seized with such terrors of conscience, that they fled; and in 
doing so they exposed their own calumnies, and confessed by 
running away the crimes of which they had been guilty. 
§. 46. 24. But although their malice and their calumnies have been 
plainly manifested on this as well as on former occasions, 
yet that they may not devise means of practising a farther 
mischief in consequence of their flight, we have considered it 
advisable to examine the part they have played according to 
1 »upr. the principles of truth 1 ; this has been our purpose, and we 
ref. 2. have found them calumniators by their acts, and authors of 
Orat l. nothing else than a plot against our brethren in ministry. 
y. 227 For Arsenius, who they said had been murdered by 
Athanasius, is still alive, and is numbered among the living ; 
from which we may infer that the reports they have 
circulated on other subjects are fabrications also. And 
whereas they spread abroad a rumour concerning a chalice, 
which they said had been broken by Macarius the Presbyter 
of Athanasius, those who came from Alexandria, the Mareotis, 
and the other parts, testified that nothing of the kind had 
»p.30. taken place. And the Egyptian Bishops 9 who wrote to 
Julius our brother in ministry, positively affirmed that there 

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qf the Council qf Sardica. 


(fid not exist among them even any suspicion whatever of Tr. II. 

such a thing. 46 > 47 ' 

25. Moreover, the Reports, which they say they have to 
produce against him, are, as is notorious, ex parte state- 
ments; and even in the formation of these very Reports, 
Heathens and Catechumens were examined ; one of whom, 
a Catechumen, said 1 in his examination that he was present 1 pp.48, 
in the room, when Macarius broke in upon them ; and another * 
declared, that Ischyras of whom they speak so much, lay 
sick in his cell at the time ; from which it appears that the 
Mysteries were never celebrated at all, because Catechumens 
were present, and also that Ischyras was not there, but was 
lying sick on his bed. Besides, this wicked wretch Ischyras, 
who has falsely asserted, as he was convicted of doing, 
that Athanasius had burnt some of the sacred books, has 
himself confessed that he was sick, and was lying in his bed 
when Macarius came; from which it is plain that he is a 
slanderer. Nevertheless, as a reward for these his calumnies, 
they have given to this very Ischyras the title of Bishop, 
although he has never been even a Presbyter. For two 
Presbyters, who were once associated with Meletius, but 
were afterwards received by Alexander, Bishop of Alexandria, 
of blessed memory, and are now with Athanasius, appeared 
before the Council, and testified that he was not even a 
Presbyter of Meletius, and that Meletius never had either 
Church or Minister in the Mareotis. And yet this man, who 
has never been even a Presbyter, they have now brought 
forward as a Bishop, that by this name they may have a 
means of overpowering those who are within hearing his 

26. The book of our brother Marcellus was also read, by §. 47. 
which the fraud of the Eusebians were plainly discovered. 
For what Marcellus had advanced by way of enquiry 2 , they 8 
falsely represented as his professed opinion; but when the^fvoLs! 
subsequent parts of the book were read, and the parts p. 44, e. 
preceding these queries, his faith was found to be correct. 
He had never pretended, as they positively affirmed', that the'deSyn. 
word of God had His beginning from holy Mary, nor that Hisj^"^ 
kingdom had an end; on the contrary he had written that note r. 
His kingdom was both without beginning and without end. 


Encyclical Letter 

Apol. Our brother Asclepas also produced Reports which had been 
AQ ' A *' drawn up at Antioch in the presence of his accusers and 
Eusebius of Caesarea, and proved that he was innocent by 
*p.7o.e. the sentence of the Bishops who judged his cause 1 . They 
had good reason therefore, dearly beloved brethren, for 
disobeying our frequent summons, and for deserting the 
Council. They were driven to this by their own consciences; 
but their flight only confirmed the proof of their calumnies, 
and caused those things to be believed against them, which 
their accusers, who were present, were asserting and arguing. 
But besides all these things, they had not only received 
those who were formerly degraded and ejected on account of 
the Arian heresy, but had even promoted them to a higher 
station, advancing Deacons to the Presbytery, and of Pres- 
byters making Bishops, for no other end, but that they might 
disseminate and spread abroad impiety, and corrupt the 
orthodox faith. 

§. 48. 27. Their present leaders are, after Eusebius, Theodorus of 
Heraclea, Narcissus of Neronias in Cilicia, Stephanus of 
Antioeb, George of Laodicea, Acacius of Caesarea in Pales- 
tine, Menophantus of Ephesus in Asia, Ursacius of Singi- 
donum in Mysia, and Valens of Mursia in Pannonia 1 . These 
men would not permit those who came with them from the 
East to meet the holy Council, nor even to approach the Church 
of God ; but as they were coming to Sardica, they held Councils 
in various places by themselves, and made an engagement under 
threats, that when they came to Sardica, they would not at 
all appear at the trial, nor attend the assembling of the holy 
Council, but simply coming, and making known their arrival 
as a matter of form, would speedily take to flight. This we have 
been able to ascertain from our brethren in ministry, Macarius 
of Palestine and Asterius of Arabia k , who after coming in their 
company, separated themselves from their unbelief. These 
came to the holy Council, and complained of the violence they 
had suffered, and said that no orthodox act proceeded from 
them ; adding that there were many among them who adhered 

1 Vid. supr. p. 31, note m. p. 60. ref. the Council banished by Eusebian in- 

4. &c. vol. 8. p. 74, note d. About Ste- fluence into upper Libya, where they 

phanus, vid. infr. Hist. Arian. §. 20. suffered extreme ill usage, vid. infr. 

k These two Bishops were soon after Hist. Arian. §. 18. 

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qf the Council qf Sardica. 


to the true doctrine, but were prevented by those men from Tm. IT. 
coining hither, by means of the threats and promises which 48> 
they held out to those who wished to separate from them. 
On this account it was that they were so anxious that all 
should abide in one dwelling, and would not suffer them to 
be by themselves even for the shortest space of time. 

28. Since then it became us not to hold our peace, nor to §. 49. 
pass over unnoticed their calumnies, imprisonments, murders, 
scourgings, conspiracies by means of forged letters, outrages, 
stripping of the virgins, banishments, destruction of the 
Churches, burnings, translations from small cities to larger 
dioceses, and above all, the rising of the accursed Arian heresy 

by their means against the orthodox faith ; we have therefore 
pronounced our dearly beloved brethren and fellow-ministers 
Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas, and those who minister 
tothe Lord with them, to be innocent and clear of offence, 
and have written to the diocese of each, that the people of 
each Church may know the innocence of their own Bishop, 
and may esteem him as their Bishop and expect his coming. 

29. And as for those who like wolves 1 have invaded their 1 
Churches, Gregory at Alexandria, Basil at Ancyra, anda^* 20 ' 
Quintianus at Gaza, let them neither give them the title of 
Bishop, nor hold any communion at all with them, nor 
receive letters* from them, nor write to them. And for* p. 8. 
Theodoras, Narcissus, Acacius, Stephanus, Ursacius, Valens, n 8 " 
Menophantus, and George, although the last from fear did 

not come from the East, yet because he was degraded by 
the blessed Alexander, and because both he and the others 
were connected with the Arian fanaticism, as well as on 
account of the charges which lie against them, the holy 
Council has unanimously deposed them from the Episcopate, 
and we have decided that they not only are not Bishops, but 
that they are unworthy of holding communion with the 

30. For they who separate the Son and alienate the Word 
from the Father, ought themselves to be separated from the 
Catholic Church and to be alien from the Christian name. 
Let them therefore be anathema to you, because they have 
adulterated the word of truth. It is an Apostolic injunction, 

If any man preach any otherGospel unto you than that ye have Gai.1,9. 

Digitized by 

76 Subscriptions to the Letter 

Apol. received, let him be accursed. Charge your people that no 
— Ar * one hold communion with them, for there is no communion 
of light with darkness; put away from you all these, for 
3 Cor. 6, there is no concord of Christ with Belial. And take heed, 

14 15 

dearly beloved, that ye neither write to them, nor receive 
letters from them; but desire rather, brethren and fellow- 
ministers, as being present in spirit with our Council, to 
assent to our judgments by your subscriptions 1 , to the end 
that concord may be preserved by all our fellow -ministers 
every where. May Divine Providence protect and keep 
you, dearly beloved brethren, in sanctification and joy. 

I, Hosius, Bishop, have subscribed this, and all the rest 

31. This is the letter which the Council of Sardica sent to 
those who were unable to attend, and they on the other hand 
gave their judgment in accordance; and the following are the 
names both of those Bishops who subscribed in the Council, 
and of the others also. 
§. 50. Hosius of Spain m , Julius of Rome by his Presbyters 
Archidamus and Philoxenus, Protogenes of Sardica, Gau- 
i of Ra- dentius,Macedonius, Severus 1 , PraBtextatus s ,Ursicius s ,Lucil- 
lof^.lus 4 , Eugenius, Vitalius, Calepodius, Florentius 5 , Bassus, Vin- 
3 of Bre cent * us *> Stercorius,Palladius,Domitianus,Chalbis,Gerontius, 
scia. " Protasius 7 , Eulogus, Porphyrius 8 , Dioscorus, Zozimus, Janua- 
ronaT 6 " r * us ' ^ozimus, Alexander, Eutychius, Socrates, Diodorus, Mar- 
* of Me- tyrius, Eutherius, Eucarpus, Athenodorus, Irenaeus, Julianus, 
"ofba- Alypius, Jonas, Aetius 9 , Restitutus, Marcellinus, Aprianus, 
nua, Vitalius,Valens,Hermogenes,Castus,Domitianus,Fortunatius 10 , 
lan. ! " Marcus, Annianus, Heliodorus, Musaeus, Asterius, Paregorius, 



10 kpj?** 1 In like manner the Council of Chal- even before Protogenes, Bishop of the 
* ° 1 ' cedon was confirmed by as many as place. Basnage, Ann. 347. 5. Febro 

io of A 

470 subscriptions, according to Ephrem, nius considers that Hosius signed here 

(Phot. Bibl. p. 801.) by 1600 accord- and at Niccea, as a sort of represen- 

ing to Eulogius, (ibid. p. 877.) i. e. of tative of the civil, and the Legates of the 

Bishops, Archimandrites, &c. ecclesiastical supremacy, de Stat. Eccl. 

a Hosius is called by Athan. the vi. 4. And so Thomassin, " Imperator 

father and the president of the Council, velut exterior Episcopus : pnefuit autem 

Hist. Arian. 15. 16* Roman contro- summus Pontifex, ut Episcopus into- 

versialists here explain why Hosius rior." Dissert, in Cone. x. 14. The 

does not sign himself as the Pope's Pope never attended in person the 

legate, De Marc. Concord, v. 4. Alter. Eastern Councils. Su Leo excuses 

Dissert, ix. and Protestants why his himself on the plea of its being against 

legates rank before all the other Bishops, usage. Epp. 37. and 93, 

Digitized by Google 

of the Council of Sardica. 


Pfotarchus, Hymenaeus, Athanasius, Lucius, Amantius, Arius,Tm. II. 
iscJepius, Dionysius, Maximus 1 , Tryphon, Alexander, Anti-^j^ 
gonus, iElianus, Petrus, Symphorus, Musonius, Eutychus,ca. 
Philologius, Spudasius, Zozimus, Patricius, Adolius, Sa- 

From Gaul the following; Maximianus*, VerissimusV 0 ' 
Victuras, Valentinus 4 , Desiderius, Eulogius, Sarbatius, Dys-a^ L y - 
colius, Severinus 5 , Satyrus, Martinus, Paulus, Optatianus,J°"« 
Nicasius, Victor 6 , Sempronius, Valerinus, Pacatus, Jesses, Aries. 
Ariston, Simplicius, Metianus, Amantus 7 , Amillianus, Justini- fl < ^ eM# 
anus, Victorinus 8 , Saturnilus, Abundantius, Donatianus, Wonn§. 

From Africa ; Nessus, Gratus 9 , Megasius, Coldseus, ^g*"^^* - 
tianus, Consortius, Rufinus, Manninus, Cessilianus, Heren-thage. 
nianus, Marianus, Valerius, Dynamius, Myzonius, Justus, 
Celestinus, Cyprianus, Victor, Honoratus, Marinus, Panta- 
gathus, Felix, Bandius, Liber, Capito, Minervalis, Cosmus, 
Victor, Hesperio, Felix, Severianus, Optantius, Hesperus, 
Fidentius, Salustius, Paschasius. 

From Egypt ; Liburnius, Amantius, Felix, Ischyrammon, 
Romulus, Tiberinus, Consortius, Heraclides, Fortunatius, 
Dioscorus, Fortunatianus, Bastamon, Datyllus, Andreas, 
Serenus, Arius, Theodorus, Evagoras, Helias, Timotheus, 
Orion, Andronicus, Paphnutius, Hennias, Arabion, Pseno- 
siris, Apollonius, Muis, Sarapampon 10 , Philo, Philippus, 10 p. 63, 
Apollonius, Paphnutius, Paulus, Dioscorus, Nilammon, °* 
Serenus, Aquila, Aotas, Harpocration, Isac, Theodorus, $• 78. 
Apollos, Ammonianus, Nilus, Heraclius, Arion, Athas, 
Arsenius, Agathammon, Theon, Apollonius, Helias, Pani- 
nuthius, Andragathius, Nemesion, Sarapion, Ammonius, 
Ammonius, Xenon, Gerontius, Quintus, Leonides, Sempro- 
nianus, Philo, Heraclides, Hieracys, Rufus, Pasophius, 
Macedonius, Apollodorus, Flavianus, Psaes, Syrus, Apphus, 
Sarapion, Esaias, Paphnutius, Timotheus, Elurion, Gaius, 
Musaeus, Pistus, Heraclammon, Hero, Helias, Anagamphus, 
Apollonius, Gaius, Philotas, Paulus, Tithoes, Eudaemon, 

Those in the cross roads" of Italy are, Probatius, Viator, 

n •j'ifrj x«y*x; y r«*lT«x/*f. " Ca- verum via transversa, qua iD regiam 
nalis est, non via regia aut militaris, seu basilicam influit, quasi aqua cana- 



Apoi. Facundinus, Joseph, Numedius, Sperantius, Severus, Hera- 
ka. An. c )j anu8> F aus tinus, Antoninus, Heraclius, Vitalius, Felix, 
Crispinus, Paulianus. 

From Cyprus ; Auxibius, Photius, Gerasius, Aphrodisius, 
Irenicus, Nunechius, Atbanasius, Macedonius, Triphyllius, 
Spyridon, Norbanus, Sosicrates. 

From Palestine ; Maximus, Aetius, Arius, Theodosius, 
Germanus, Silvanus, Paulus, Claudius, Patricius, Elpidius, 
Germanus, Eusebius, Zenobius, Paulus, Petrus. 

These are the names of those who subscribed to the acts 
of the Council ; but there are very many beside, out of Asia, 
l p. 60. Phrygia, and Isauria 1 , who wrote in my behalf before this 
Council was held, and whose names, nearly sixty-three in 
number, may be found in their own letters. They amount 
altogether to three hundred and forty-four °. 

lis in alveum." Gothofred. in Cod. 
Theod. vi. de Curiosis, p. 196. who 
illustrates the word at length. Du 
Cange on the contrary, m voc. explains 
it of " the high road." Tillemont pro- 
fesses himself unable to give a satis- 
factory sense to it. vol. viii. p. 685. 

0 There is great uncertainty what 
was the actual number of Bishops pre- 
sent at the Council. Athan. Hist 
Arian. $. 16. says 170, while Theodoret 
names 260. Hist ii. 6. If the West- 
ern Bishops, whose signatures are given 
by Athan. in the text to the number of 
163, were all present, it might have 
been conjectured that he was speaking 

of the Western only ; but he expressly 
includes the Eastern. In that case, 
subtracting the 73 or 80 Eusebians, 
so small a majority of orthodox remains, 
that it is incredible, considering the no- 
torious dexterity and unscrupulousness 
of the Eusebians in Synodal meetings, 
that they should have been obliged to 
secede. Athan. says, supr. §. 1. that 
the Letter of the Council was signed in 
all by more than 300. It will be ob- 
served, that Athan.'s numbers in the 
text do not accurately agree with each 
other. The subscriptions enumerated 
are 284, to which 63 being added, 
make a total of 347, not 344. 

Digitized by Google 



1. When the most religious Emperor Constantius heard of §. 51. 
these things, he sent for me, having written privately to his 
brother Constans of blessed memory, and to me three several 
times in the following terms. 

2. Constantius Victor Augustus to Athanasius. 

Our benignant clemency will not suffer you to be any 
longer tempest-tossed by the wild waves of the sea ; for our 
unwearied piety has not lost sight of you, while you have 
been bereft of your native home, deprived of your goods, and 
have been wandering in savage wildernesses. And although 
1 have for a long time deferred expressing by letter the 
purpose of my mind concerning you, principally because I 
expected that you would appear before us of your own 
accord, and would seek a relief of your sufferings ; yet foras- 
much as fear, it may be, has prevented you from fulfilling 
your intentions, we have therefore addressed to your fortitude 
letters full of our bounty, to the end that you may use all 
speed and without fear present yourself in our presence, 
thereby to obtain the enjoyment of your wishes, and that, having 
experience of our grace, you may be restored again to your 
friends. For this purpose I have besought my Lord and 
brother Constans Victor Augustus in your behalf, that he 
would give you permission to come, in order that you may 
be restored to your country with the consent of us both, 
receiving this as a pledge of our favour. 

3. The Second Letter. 

Although we made it very plain to you in a former letter 
that you may without hesitation come to our Court, because 

Digitized by 

80 Letters of Comtantiu* in favour of Athanasius. 

Apol. we greatly wished to send you home, yet, we have further sent 
AO * AR * this present letter to your fortitude, to exhort you without 
any distrust or apprehension, to place yourself in the public 
1 Gothof. conveyances *, and to hasten to us, that you may enjoy the 
Theod. fulfilment of your wishes. 

viii. 5. 
p. 607. 

4. The Third Letter. 

Our pleasure was, while we abode at Edessa, and your 
Presbyters were there, that, on one of them being sent to 
you, you should make haste to come to our Court, in order 
that you might see our face, and straightway proceed to 
Alexandria. But as a long period has elapsed since you 
received letters from us, and you have not yet come, we are 
therefore desirous to remind you again, that you may endea- 
vour to present yourself before us with all speed, and so may 
be restored to your country, and obtain the accomplishment 
of your prayers. And for your fuller information we have 
sent Achitas the Deacon, from whom you will be able to 
learn our earnest desires concerning you, and that you may 
now secure the objects of your prayers. 

5. Such was the tenour of the Emperor's letter; on receiving 
which I went up to Rome to bid farewell to the Church and 
the Bishop : for I was at Aquileia when it was written. The 
Church was filled with all joy, and the Bishop Julius rejoiced 
with me in my return and wrote to the Church 1 "; and as I 
passed along, the Bishops of every place sent me on my way 
in peace. The letter of Julius was as follows. 

P " They acquainted Julias the 
Bishop of Borne with their case ; and 
he, according to the prerogative 
pi*) of the Church in Borne, fortified 
them with letters in which he spoke his 
mind, and sent them hack to the East, 
restoring each to his own place, and 
remarking on those who had violently 
deposed them. They then set out from 
Borne, and on the strength (fatfouvru) 
of the letters of Bishop Julius, take 
possession of their Churches." Socr. ii. 
16. It must he observed, that in the 
foregoing sentence Socrates has spoken 
of u imperial Borne." Sozomen says, 
" Whereas the care of all (xtihfw'w$) 

pertained to him on account of the 
dignity of his see, he restored each to 
his own Church, iii. 8. " I answer," 
says Barrow, " the Pope did not restore 
them Judicially, hut declarativety, that 
is, declaring his approbation of their 
right and innocence, did admit them 
to communion. .. .Besides, the Pope's 
proceeding was taxed, and protested 
against, as irregular;. .. .and, lastly, 
the restitution of Athanasius and the 
other Bishops had no complete effect, 
till it was confirmed by the synod of 
Sardica, backed by the imperial autho- 
rity." Suprem. p. 360. ed. 1836. 

Digitized by Google 

Letter of Pope Juliu* to the Alexandrians. 


6. Julius to the Presbyters, Deacons, and people abiding atTB. II. 

Alexandria. * * 5 ^ 53 ' 

§. 52. 

I congratulate you, beloved brethren, that you now behold 
Ihe fruit of your faith before your eyes ; for any one may see 
that such indeed is the case with respect to my brother and 
fellow-Bishop Athanasius, whom for the innocency of his 
life, and by reason of your prayers, God hath restored to you 
again. Wherefore it is easy to perceive, that you have 
continually offered tip to God pure prayers and full of love. 
Being mindful of the heavenly promises, and of the con- 
versation that leads to them, which you have learnt from the 
teaching of this my brother, you knew certainly and were 
persuaded by the right faith that is in you, that he, whom 
you always had as present in your most pious minds, would 
not be separated from you for ever. Wherefore there is no 
need that I should use many words in writing to you; for 
your faith has already anticipated whatever I could say to 
you, and has by the grace of God procured the accomplish- 
ment of the common prayers of you all. Therefore, I repeat 
again, I congratulate you, because you have preserved y our i Athan 
souls unconquered in the faith; and I also congratulate no here 
less my brother Athanasius, in that, though he has endured £™* a 
many afflictions, he has at no time been forgetful of your graph in 
love and earnest desires towards him. For although for a p J^" 
season he seemed to be withdrawn from you in body, y e tg id, r .. 
has he continued to live as always present with you in spirit 1 . 23.° 

7. Wherefore he returns to you now more illustrious than §. 53. 
when he went away from you. Fire tries and purifies the 
precious metals, gold and silver : but how can one describe 
the worth of such a man, who, having passed victorious 
through the perils of so many tribulations, is now restored to 
you, being pronounced innocent not by my voice only, but 
hy the voice of the whole Council*? Receive therefore, » p. fie, 
dearly beloved brethren, with all godly honour and rejoicing, °°g 0 * 
your Bishop Athanasius, together with those who have been note p. 
partners with him in so many labours. And rejoice that you 
have now obtained the fulfilment of your prayers, after that in 
your salutary writings, you have given meat and drink to your 
Pastor, who, so to speak, longed and thirsted after your 



Letters of Constantius 

Apol. godliness. For while he sojourned in a foreign land, you 
— : — : were his consolation; and you refreshed him during his 
persecutions by your most faithful minds and spirits. And 
it delights me now to conceive and figure to my mind the 
joy of every one of you at his return, and the pious greetings 
of the multitude, and the glorious festivity of those that run 
to meet him. What a day will that be to you, when my 
brother comes back again, and your former sufferings termi- 
nate, and his much-prized and desired return inspires you all 
with an exhilaration of perfect joy ! . The like joy it is mine 
to feel in a very great degree, since it has been granted me 
by God, to be able to make the acquaintance of so eminent 
a man. 

8. It is fitting therefore that I should conclude my letter 
1 if#fr. with a prayer 1 . May Almighty God, and His Son our Lord 
and Saviour Jesus Christ, afford you continual grace, giving 
you a reward for the admirable faith which you displayed in 
your noble confession in behalf of your Bishop, that He may 
impart unto you and unto them that are with you, both here 
iCor.2,and hereafter, those better things, which eye hath not seen, 
nor ear heard, neither hath entered into the heart of man, 
the things which God hath prepared for them that love 
Him; through our Lord Jesus Christ, through whom to 
Almighty God be glory for ever and ever. Amen. I pray, 
dearly beloved brethren, for your health and strength in the 

§. 54. 9. The Emperor, when I came to him with these letters, 
received me kindly, and sent me forward to my country and 
Church, addressing the following to the Bishops, Presbyters, 
and People. 

10. Victor Constantius, Maximus, Augustus, to the Bishops 
and Presbyters of the Catholic Church. 

The most reverend Athanasius has not been deserted by 
the grace of God, but although for a brief season he was 
subjected to trials to which human nature is liable, he has 
obtained from the superintending Providence such an answer 
to his prayers as was meet, and is restored by the will of the 
Most High, and by our sentence, at once to his country and 
to the Church, over which by divine permission he presided. 

Digitized by Google 

to the Alexandrians, fyc. in behalf of Athanasius; 83 

Wherefore, in accordance with this, it is fitting that it should Tr. II. 

be provided by our clemency, that all the decrees which have &4> — 
heretofore been passed against those who held communion 
with him, be now consigned to oblivion, and that all sus- 
picions respecting them be henceforward set at rest, and that 
an immunity, such as the Clergy who are associated with 
him formerly enjoyed, be duly confirmed to them. Moreover 
to our other acts of favour towards him we have thought good 
to add the following, that all persons of the sacred catalogue 1 1 yid. 
should understand, that an assurance of safety is given to all Antiqu. 
who adhere to him, whether Bishops, or other Clergy. Andi-M-io. 
union with him will be a sufficient guarantee, in the case of 
any person, of an upright intention. For whoever, acting ac- 
cording to a better judgment and part, shall choose to hold 
communion with him, we order, in imitation of that Provi- 
dence which has already gone before, that all such should have 
the advantage of the grace which by the will of the Most 
High is now offered to them from us. May God preserve 

11. Tlie Second Letter. 

Victor Constantius, Maximus, Augustus, to the people of 
the Catholic Church at Alexandria. 

Desiring as we do your welfare in all respects, and§. 55. 
knowing that you have for a long time been deprived of 
episcopal superintendence, we have thought good to send 
back to you your Bishop Athanasius, a man known to all 
men for the uprightness that is in him, and for his personal 
deportment. Receive him, as you are wont to receive every 
one, in a suitable manner, and, putting him forth as your 
succour in your prayers to God, endeavour to preserve 
continually that unanimity and peace according to the order 
of the Church, which is at the same time becoming in you, 
and most advantageous for us. For it is not becoming that 
any dissension or faction should be raised among you, so 
subversive of the prosperity of our times. We desire that 
this offence may be altogether removed from you, and we 
exhort you to continue stedfastly in your accustomed prayers, 
and to make him, as we said before, your advocate and helper 
towards God. So that, when this your determination, dearly 

g 2 

Digitized by Google 

84 and to Prefects of Egypt, Thebais, $c. 

A pol. beloved, has influenced the prayers of all men, even the 
A °' Ab - heathen who are still addicted to the false worship of idols 

may eagerly desire to come to the knowledge of our sacred 


12. Again therefore we exhort you to continue in these 
things, and gladly to receive your Bishop, who is sent back 
to you by the decree of the Most High, and by our desire, 
and determine to greet him cordially with all your soul and 
with all your mind. For this is what is both becoming in 
you, and agreeable to our clemency. In order that all 
occasion of excitement and sedition may be taken away from 
those who are maliciously disposed, we have by letter com- 
manded the magistrates who are among you to subject to the 
vengeance of the law all whom they find to be factious. 
Wherefore taking into consideration both these things, our 
desire in accordance with the will of the Most High, and our 
regard for you and for concord among you, and the punish- 
ment that awaits the disorderly, observe such things as are 
proper and suitable to the order of our sacred religion, and 
receiving the fore-mentioned Bishop with all reverence and 
honour, take care to offer up with him your prayers to God, 
the Father of all, in behalf of yourselves, and for the well- 
being of your whole lives. 

§. 56. 13. Having written these letters, be also commanded that 
the decrees, which he had formerly sent out against me in 
consequence of the calumnies of the Eusebians, should be 
abolished, and removed from out the Orders of the Duke aud 

1 mem- the Prefect of Egypt ; and Eusebius the Decurion 1 was sent 

theCu- to withdraw them from the Order-books. His letter on this 

ria or occasion was as follows. 


'Prefect 14. Victor, Constantius, Augustus, to Nestorius*. 
of E- 

gypt, (And in the same terms, to the Governors qf Augustamnica, 
note d. ' the Thebaisy and Libya.) 

Whatever Orders are found to have been passed heretofore, 
tending to the injury and dishonour of those who hold com- 
munion with the Bishop Athanasius, we wish them to be now 
erased. For we desire that whatever immunities his Clergy 
possessed before, they should again possess the same. And 

Digitized by Google 

Letter of Council of Jerusalem in behalf of Athanasius. 85 

ire wish this our Order to be observed, that when the Bishop Tr. II. 
Athanasius is restored to his Church, those who hold com- 661 57 ' 
munion with him may enjoy the immunities which they have 
always enjoyed, and which the rest of the Clergy enjoy ; so 
that they may have the satisfaction of being on an equal 
footing with others. 

15. Being thus set forward onmyjourney,asIpassed through §. 57. 
Syria, I met with the Bishops of Palestine, who when they 

had called a Council 1 at Jerusalem, received me courteously, 1 Hist, 
and themselves also sent me on my way in peace, and ad-^s™" 1, 
dressed the following letter to the Church and the Bishops. 

16. The Holy Council, assembled at Jerusalem, to the 
brethren in ministry in Egypt and Libya, and to the Pres- 
byters, Deacons, and People at Alexandria, dearly beloved 
brethren, and greatly longed for, sends health in the Lord. 

We cannot give worthy thanks to the God of all, dearly 
beloved, for the wonderful things which He has done at all 
times, and especially at this time with respect to your Church, 
in restoring to you your pastor and lord 2 , and our fellow- * x^**, 
minister Athanasius. For who ever hoped that his eyes would ^ p ' 
see what you are now actually enjoying ? Of a truth, your 
prayers have been heard by the God of all, who cares for His 
Church, and has looked upon your tears and groans, and has 
therefore heard your petitions. For ye were as sheep scat- 
tered and fainting, not having a shepherd. Wherefore the 
true Shepherd, who careth for His own sheep, has visited 
you from heaven, and has restored to you him whom you 
desire. Behold, we also, being ready to do all things for the 
peace of the Church, and being prompted by the same 
affection as yourselves, have saluted him before you; and 
communicating with you through him, we send you these 
greetings, and our offering of thanksgiving, that you may 
know that you are united in one bond of love with him and 
with us. You are bound to pray also for the piety of our 
most religious Emperors, who, when they knew your earnest 
longings after him, and his innocency, determined to restore 
him to you with all honour. Wherefore receive him with 
uplifted lfands, and take good heed that you offer up due 
thanksgivings on his behalf to God who has bestowed these 
blessings upon you ; so that you may continually rejoice 



86 Retractation of Ursacius and Valens 

Apol. with God and glorify our Lord, in Christ Jesus our Lord, 
AG ' Ab ' through whom to the Father be glory for ever. Amen. 

1 7. I have set down here the names of those who subscribed 
1 p. 78. this letter, although I have mentioned them before l . They 
2Theo- are these; Maximus, Aetius, Arius, Theodoras 2 , Germanus, 
^p" s > Silvanus, Paulus, Patricius, Elpidius, Germanus, Eusebius, 
3 not Zenobius, Paulus, Macrinus 3 , Petrus, Claudius. 
^ P 58 Wk en Ursacius and Valens witnessed these proceed- 

ings, they forthwith condemned themselves for what they had 
done, and going up to Rome, confessed their crime, declared 
4 vid. themselves penitent, and sought forgiveness 4 , addressing the 
notei. following letters to Julius Bishop of ancient Rome, and to 
myself. Copies of them were sent to me from Paulinus, 
5T<# e *,, Bishop of Tibur \ 

Paul r 

P* j Translation from the Latin of a Letter 6 to Julius, con- 
cerning the recantation of Ursacius and Valens\ 

7g P P* p * Ursacius and Valens to the most blessed Lord 7 , Pope 

6 Hist. Julius. 

25. 26. Whereas it is well known that we have heretofore in letters 
infr. laid mauy grievous charges against the Bishop Athanasiiis, 
p ' and whereas, when we were corrected by the letters of your 
9 xc****- Goodness 8 , we were unable to render an account of our 
Tnrt conduct, by reason of the circumstance which we notified 
unto you; we do now confess before your Goodness, and 
in the presence of all the Presbyters our brethren, that ail 
the reports which have heretofore come to your hearing 
respecting the case of the aforesaid Athanasius, are false- 
hoods and fabrications, and are utterly inconsistent with his 
character. Wherefore we earnestly desire communion with 
the aforesaid Athanasius, especially since your Piety, with 
your characteristic generosity, has vouchsafed to pardon our 

1 " I have always entertained some tion." ch. xxi. note 118. Surely this 
doubts," says Gibbon, " concerning the is just the difference of tone in which an 
retractation of Ursacius and Valens. apology is made to a superior, and to an 
Their Epistles to Julius Bishop of equal (aftiA^y), except by very gene- 
Rome, and to Athanasius himself, are rous, or by deeply repentant, persons, 
of so different a cast from each other, Athan.'s account of it, infr. p. 239, r. 2. 
that they cannot both be genuine. The is quite in accordance. It will be ob- 
one speaks the language of criminals, served too that they appear to have 
who confess their guilt and infamy ; made their peace with Rome with the 
the other of enemies, who solicit on view of being defended by the Pope 
equal terms an honourable reconcilia- against Athanasius. 

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error. But we also declare, that if at any time the Eastern Tb. II. 
Bishops, or Athanasius himself, with an evil intent, should M * 
wish to bring us to judgment for this offence, we will not 
attend contrary to your judgment and desire. And as for 
the heretic Arius and his supporters, who say that once the 
Son was not, and that the Son is made of that which was 
not, and who deny that Christ is God 1 and the Son of God" not in 
before the worlds, we anathematize them both now and for 1 **" 1, 
evermore, as also we set forth in our former declaration at 
Milan 2 . We have written this with our own hands, and we * A.D. 
profess again, that we have renounced for ever, as we said^'/' 
before, the Arian heresy and its authors. 

I Ursacius subscribed this my confession in person; and 
likewise I Valens. 

20. Ursacius and Valens, Bishops, to their Lord 3 and Brother, 3 

the Bishop Athanasius. p . 95. 

Having an opportunity of sending by our brother and 
fellow Presbyter Musaeus, who is coming to your Charity, we 
salute you affectionately, dearly beloved brother, through 
him, from Aquileia, and pray you, being as we trust in 
health, to read our letter. You will also give us confidence, 
if you will return to us an answer in writing. For know that 
we are at peace with you, and in communion with the 
Church, of which the salutation prefixed to this letter is a 
proof. May Divine Providence preserve you, my Lord 4 , our 4 
dearly beloved brother ! 

21. Such were their letters, and such the sentence and the 
judgment of the Bishops in my behalf. But in order to 
prove that they did not act thus to ingratiate themselves, or 
under compulsion 5 , in any quarter, I desire, with your permis- * p- 
rion,to recount the whole matter from the beginning, so that note 
you may perceive that the Bishops wrote as they did with 
upright and just intentions, and that Ursacius and Valens, 
though they were slow to do so, at last confessed the truth. 

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« Second CHAP. V. 1 

part of 



§. 59. 1. Peter was Bishop among us before the persecution, and 
during the course of it he suffered martyrdom. When 
Meletius, who held the title of Bishop in Egypt, was con- 
victed of many crimes, and among the rest of offering 
sacrifice to idols, Peter deposed him in a general Council of 
the Bishops. Whereupon Meletius did not appeal to 
another Council, or attempt to justify himself before those 
who should come after, but made a schism, so that they who 
espoused his cause are even yet called Meletians instead of 
^°i8o" Christians 8 . He began immediately to revile the Bishops, 
note L and made false accusations, first against Peter himself, and 
after him against Achillas, and after Achillas against Alex- 
3ad Ep. ander 5 . And he thus practised craftily, following the example 
22.rapr.of Absalom, to the end that, as he was disgraced by his 
P # 29, deposition, he might by his calumnies mislead the minds of 
the simple. While Meletius was thus employed, the Arian 
heresy arose, and in the Council of Nicaea, when that heresy 
was anathematized, and the Arians were excommunicated, 
the Meletians on whatever grounds' (for it is not necessary now 
to mention the reasons of this proceeding) were received 
into the Church. Five months however had not elapsed 
when the blessed Alexander died, and the Meletians, who 
ought to have remained quiet, and to have been grateful that 
vid. 2 they were received on any terms, like dogs unable to forget 
Pet. 2, ^eir vomit, began again to trouble the Churches. 

r Meletius had the name of Bishop Alexander had ordained, and performed 

secured to him, but was interdicted no ecclesiastical act without leave of the 

from all Episcopal functions. Those Catholic Bishop; but when the Catholic 

who had been ordained by him were re- Bishop in each place died, they were 

ceived to communion and allowed to to be considered capable of succeeding, 

continue in ministerial duties, on con- A than, speaks more openly against this 

dition that they gave precedence in their arrangement infr, §. 71. vid, vol* viii. 

own Church or Diocese to those whom p. 181, note g. 

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CoaUtum of the Meletians with the Eusebians. 


2. Upon learning this, Eusebius, who had the lead in the T*. II. 
Arian heresy, sends and bribes the Meletians with large W ' *°' 
promises, becomes their secret friend, and arranges with 
them for their assistance on any occasion when he might 
wish for it. At first he sent to me, urging me to admit the 
Arians to communion 1 , and threatening me in his verbal com* 1 *4 Eg. 
munications, which he requested me in his letters. And when 1 
I refused, declaring that it was not right that those who had 
invented heresy contrary to the truth, and had been anathe- 
matized by the Ecumenical * Council, should be admitted to * rapr. 
communion, he caused the Emperor also, Constantine, o{\J*™ 
blessed memory, to write to me, threatening me, in case I P- 
should not receive the Arians, with those afflictions, which I 
have before undergone, and which I am still suffering. The 
following is a part of his letter. Syncletius and Gaudentius, 
officers of the palace 5 , were the bearers of it. » **ju- 

3. Part of a Letter from the Emperor Constantine. Com*.** 

Having therefore knowledge of my will, grant free ad-** 19, 
mission to all who wish to enter into the Church. For if I 
learn that you have hindered or excluded any who claim to 
be admitted into communion with the Church, I will im- 
mediately send some one who shall depose you by my 
command, and shall remove you from your place. 

4. When upon this I wrote and endeavoured to convince §. 60. 
the Emperor, that that anti-Christian 4 heresy had no com- 4 
munion with the Catholic Church, Eusebius forthwith, 
availing himself of the occasion which he had agreed upon P* 6 > 
with the Meletians, writes and persuades them to invent 
some pretext, so that, as they had practised against Peter 
and Achillas and Alexander, they might also lay a plot for 
me, and might spread abroad reports to my prejudice. 
Accordingly, after seeking for a long time, and rinding 
nothing, they at last agree together, with the advice of the 
Eusebians, and fabricate their first accusation by means of 
Ision, Eudaemon, and Callinicus 5 , respecting the linen vest- 4 infr. 
ments 6 , to the effect that I had imposed a law upon thef'j^^ 
Egyptians, and had required its observance of them first. *^. ec " 
But when certain Presbyters of mine were found to beastJoal, 
present, and the Emperor took cognizance of the matter, can^? 

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Letters qf Constantine to the Alexandrians 

A pol. they were condemned, (the Presbyters were Apis and 
AG - An - Macarion,) and the Emperor wrote, condemning Ision, and 
ordering me to appear before him. His letters were as 

'they follows 1 . * * * 

are 08 5. Eusebius, having intelligence of this, persuades them to 
wait; and when I arrive, they next accuse Macarius of 
breaking the chalice, and bring against me the most heinous 
accusation possible, viz. that, being an enemy of the 
Emperor, I had sent a purse of gold to one Philamenus. 
The Emperor therefore heard us on this charge also in 

* suburb Psammathia*, when they, as usual, were condemned, and 

media, driven from the presence ; and, as I returned, he wrote the 

* nf ^ following letter to the people. 

6. Constantine Maximus, Augustus, to the people of the 
Catholic Church at Alexandria. 

§.61. Dearly beloved brethren, I greet you well, calling upon 
God, who is the chief witness of my good-will towards you, 
and on the Only-begotten, the Author of our Law, who is 
Sovereign over the lives of all men, and who hates dis 
sensions. But what shall 1 say to you ? That 1 am in good 
health ? Nay, but I should be able to enjoy better health 
and strength, if you were possessed with mutual love one 
towards another, and had rid yourselves of your enmities, 
through which, in consequence of the storms excited by 
contentious men, we have left the haven of brotherly love. 
Alas ! what perverseness is this ! What evil consequences 
are produced every day by the tumult of envy which has 
been stirred up among you ! Hence it is that an evil 
character attaches to the people of God. Whither has the 
faith of righteousness departed ? For we are so involved in 
the mists of darkness, not only through manifold errors, but 
through the faults of ungrateful men, that we bear with those 
who favour folly, and though we are aware of them, take no 
heed of those who beat down goodness and truth. What 
strange inconsistency is this ! We do not convict our 
enemies, but we follow the example of robbery which they 
set us, whereby the most pernicious errors, finding no one to 
oppose them, easily, if I may so speak, make a way for 
themselves. Is there no understanding among us, for the 

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credit of our common nature, since we are thus neglectful of Tr. II. 
tie injunctions of the Law ? 61 - 62 * 

7. But some one will say, that that mutual love which nature 
prompts is exercised among us. But, I ask, how is it that 
we who have the law of God for our guide, in addition to the 
light of nature, thus tolerate the disturbances and disorders 
raised by our enemies, who set every thing in a flame, as it 
were, with firebrands ? How is it, that having eyes, we see 
not, neither understand, though we are surrounded by the 
intelligence of the law ? What a stupor has seized upon our 
senses, that we are thus neglectfiil of ourselves, although God 
admonishes us of these things! Is it not an intolerable 
calamity? and ought we not to esteem such men as our 
enemies, and not the household and people of God ? For 
they are infuriated against us, desperate as they are : they lay 
grievous crimes to our charge, and persecute us as enemies. 

8. And I would have you yourselves to consider with what §. 62. 
exceeding madness they do this. The foolish men carry 
their maliciousness at their tongues' end. They carry 
about with them a sort of sullen anger, so that, by way of 
retaliation, they smite one another, and give us a share in 
the punishment which they inflict upon themselves. The 
good teacher is accounted an enemy, while he who clothes 
himself with the vice of envy, contrary to all justice makes 
his gain of the gentle temper of the people ; he ravages, and 
consumes, he decks himself out, and recommends himself 
with false praises ; he subverts the truth, and corrupts the 
faith, until he finds out a hole and hiding place for his 
conscience. Thus their very perverseness makes them 
wretched, while they impudently prefer themselves to places 
of honour, however unworthy they may be. Ah ! what a 
mischief is this ! they say, " Such an one is too old; such an 
one is a mere boy; the office belongs to me; it is due to me, 
since it is taken away from him. T will gain over all men to 
my side, and then I will endeavour with my power to ruin 
him." Plain indeed is this proclamation of their madness to 
all the world ; the sight of companies, and gatherings, and 
rowers under command 1 in their offensive cabals. Alas! 1 
what preposterous conduct is ours, if I may say it ! Do they V "*' 
make an exhibition of their folly in the Church of God ? 

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92 Fresh movements of the Meletians in aid of the Eusebians. 

Apol. And are they not yet ashamed of themselves ? Do they not 
LQ ' AB, yet blame themselves? Are they not smitten in their con- 
sciences, so that they now at length shew that they entertain 
a proper sense of their deceit and contentiousness ? Theirs 
is the mere force of envy, supported by those baneful influ- 
ences which naturally belong to it. But those wretches have 
no power against your Bishop. Believe me, brethren, their 
endeavours will have no other effect than this, after they 
have worn down our days, to leave to themselves no place of 
repentance in this life. 

9. Wherefore I beseech you, lend help to yourselves; receive 
kindly our love, and with all your strength drive away those 
who desire to obliterate from among us the grace of unanimity ; 
and looking unto God, love one another. I received gra- 
ciously your Bishop Athanasius, and addressed him in such 
a manner, as being persuaded that he was a man of God. 
It is for you to understand these things, not for me to judge 
of them. I thought it becoming that the most Reverend 
Athanasius himself should convey my salutation to you, 
knowing his kind care of you, which, in a manner worthy 
of that peaceable faith which I myself profess, is continually 
engaged in the good work of declaring saving knowledge, 
and will be furnished with a word of exhortation for you* 
May God preserve you, dearly beloved brethren. 
Such was the letter of Constantine. 
§. 68. 10. After these occurrences the Meletians remained quiet for 
some time, but afterwards shewed their hostility again, and 
contrived the following plot, with the aim of pleasing those 
who had hired their services. The Mareotis is a region of 
Alexandria, in which Meletius was not able to make a 
schism. Now while the Churches still existed within their 
appointed limits, and all the Presbyters had congregations 
in them, and while the people were living in peace, a certain 
^upr. person named Ischyras 1 , who was not a Clergyman, but 
48* 62* depraved in his habits, endeavoured to lead astray the people 
of his own village, declaring himself to be a Clergyman. 
Upon learning this, the Presbyter of the place, informed me 
of it when I was going through my visitation of the Churches, 
and I sent Macarius the Presbyter with him to summon 
Ischyras. They found him sick and lying in his cell, and 

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Retractation and confession of Ischyras. 93 

charged his father to admonish his son not to continue Tk. II. 
any such practices as had been reported against him. But — 64 * 
when he recovered from his sickness, being prevented by 
his friends and his father from pursuing the same course, he 
fled over to the Meletians ; and they communicate with 
the Eusebians, and at last that calumny is invented by 
them, that Macarius had broken a chalice, and that a certain 
Bishop named Arsenius had been murdered by me. Arsenius 
they placed in concealment, in order that he might seem 
taken off, when he did not make his appearance ; and they 
carried about a hand pretending that he had been cut to 
pieces. As for Ischyras, whom they did not even know, 
they began to spread a report that he was a Presbyter, in 
order that what he said about the chalice might mislead the 
people. Ischyras, however, being censured by his friends, 
came to me weeping, and said that no such thing as they 
l*ad reported had been done by Macarius, and that himself 
had been suborned by the Meletians to invent this calumny. 
And he wrote the following letter. 

1 1 . To the Blessed Pope 1 Athanasius, Ischyras sends health in 1 ▼»<!• 

the Lord. p°9 6> " 

As when I came to you, my Lord* Bishop, desiring to be^g^ 
received into the Church, you reproved me for what I*»4e«> 
formerly said, as though I had proceeded to such lengths of jJJP r * p * 
my own free choice, I therefore submit to you this my 
apology in writing, in order that you may understand, that 
violence was used towards me, and blows inflicted on me by 
Isaac and Heraclides, and Isaac of Letopolis, and those of 
their party. And I declare, and take God as my witness in 
this matter, that of none of the things which they have 
stated, do I know you to be guilty. For no breaking of a 
chalice or overturning of the holy Table ever took place, but 
they compelled me by their violent usage to assert all this. 
And this defence I make and submit to you in writing, 
desiring and claiming for myself to be admitted among the 
members of your congregation. I pray that you may have 
health in the Lord. 

1*2. I submit this my handwriting to you the Bishop Athana- 
sius in the presence of the Presbyters, Ammonias of Dicella, 

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Judicial proceeding about Arsenius. 

Apol. Heraclius of Phascus, Boccon of Chenebris, Achillas of 
i±^'Myrsine, Didymus of Taphosiris, and Justus, from Bomo- 
theus; .and of the Deacons, Paul, Peter, and Olynipius, of 
Alexandria, and Ammonius, Pistus, Demetrius, and Gaius, 
of the Mareotis. 

§. 65. 13. Notwithstanding this statement of Ischyras, they again 
spread abroad the same charges against me every where, 
and also reported them to the Emperor Constantine. He had 

l vid. heard before of the affair of the chalice in Psammathia 1 , 
60 * when I was there, and had detected the falsehood of my 
enemies. But now he wrote to Antioch to Dalmatius" the 
Censor, requiring him to institute a judicial enquiry respect- 
ing the murder. Accordingly the Censor sent me notice to 
prepare for my defence against the charge. Upon receiving 
his letters, although at first I paid no regard to the thing, 
because I knew that nothing of what they said was true, yet 
seeing that the Emperor was moved, I wrote to my brethren 
in Egypt, and sent a deacon, desiring to learn something of 
Arsenius, for I had not seen the man for five or six years. 
Well, not to relate the matter at length, Arsenius was found 
in concealment, in the first instance in Egypt, and at last 
my friends discovered him still in concealment at Tyre. And 
what was most remarkable, even when he was discovered he 
would not confess that he was Arsenius, until he was con- 
victed in court before Paul, who was then Bishop of Tyre, 
and at last out of very shame he could not deny it. 

14. This he did in order to fulfil his contract with the Euse- 
bians, lest, if he were discovered, the game they were playing 
should at length be broken up; which in fact came to pass. 
For when I wrote the Emperor word, that Arsenius was 
discovered, and reminded him of what he had heard in 
Psammathia concerning Macarius the Presbyter, he stopped 
the proceedings of the Censor's court, and wrote condemning 
the proceedings against me as calumnious, and commanded 

* Dalmatius was the name of father crates mistaken. The younger D al- 
and son, the brother and nephew of matian was created Ceesar by Constan- 
Constantine. Socrates, Hist. i. 27. tine a few ye its before his death ; and, 
gives the title of Censor to the son ; as well as his brother Hannibalian, and 
but the Alexandrian Chronicon (accord- a number of other relatives, was put to 
ing to Tillemont, Empereurs, vol. 4. p. death by Constantius, or his ministers 
667.) gives it to the father. Valesius, and the soldiery, on the death of his 
and apparently Tillemont, think So- father, vid Athan. Hist. Mon. 69. 

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Alexander qf Thessalonica to Athanasius. 95 

the Eusebians to return, who were coming into the East toTit. II. 
appear against me. Now in order to shew that they accused 6ft ~~ 67 - 
me of having murdered Arsenius, (not to bring forward the 
letters of many persons on the subject,) it shall be sufficient 
only to produce one from Alexander the Bishop of Thessa- 
lonica^ from which the tenor of the rest may be inferred. 
He then being acquainted with the reports which Archaph, 
who is also called John, circulated against me on the subject 
of the murder, and having heard that Arsenius was alive, 
wrote as follows. 

1 5. Letter of Alexander. 

To his dearly beloved son and brother like-minded, the 1 
Lord 1 Athanasius, Alexander the Bishop sends health in ^93. 
the Lord. 

I congratulate the most excellent Serapion, that he is§»66. 
striving so earnestly to adorn himself with holy habits, and 
is thus advancing to higher praise the memory of his father. 
For, as the Holy Scripture somewhere says, though his father Ecchw. 

yet he is as though he were not dead: for he has left 30 ' 4 ' 
behind him a memorial of his life. What my feelings are 
towards the ever-memorable Sozon, you yourself my lordV** r * 
are not ignorant, for you know the sacredness of his memory, xheod. 
as well as the excellent disposition of the young man. 1 ^jjjj^' 
have received only one letter from your reverence, which I 
tad by the hands of this youth. I mention this to you, my 
lord, that you may know that 1 have received it. Our dearly 
beloved brother and deacon Macarius, afforded me great 
pleasure by writing to me from Constantinople, that the 
false accuser Archaph had met with disgrace, for having 
given out before all men that a live man had been mur- 
dered. That he will receive from the righteous Judge, 
together with all the tribe of his associates, that punishment 
which his crimes deserve, the infallible Scriptures assure 
os. May the Lord of all preserve you for very many years, 
my most excellent lord 9 . 3 *6 V t 

16. And they who lived with Arsenius bear witness, that he §. 67. 
was kept in concealment for this purpose, that they might 
pretend his death ; for in searching after him we found the 
foUowing person, and he in consequence wrote the following 

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96 Letter of Pinnes to John about Arsetriwt. 

Apol. letter to John, who supported this false accusation against 

AO. Ar. n 
- me. 

17. To his dearly beloved brother John, Pinnes, Presbyter 
of the Monastery of Ptemencyrcis, in the district of Anteopolis, 
sends greeting. 

I wish you to know, that Athanasius sent his deacon into 
the Thebais, to search every where for Arsenius ; and Pecysius 
the Presbyter, and Sylvanus the brother of Helias, and Tape- 
nacerameus, and Paul monk of Hypsele, whom he first fell in 
with, confessed that Arsenius was with us. Upon learning 
this we caused him to be put on board a vessel, and to sail 
to the lower countries with Helias the monk. Afterwards 
the deacon returned again suddenly with certain others, and 
entered our monastery, in search of the same Arsenius, and 
him they found not, because, as I said before, we had sent 
him away to the lower countries; but they conveyed me 
together with Helias the monk, who took him out of the way, 
to Alexandria, and brought us before the Duke 1 ; when T was 
unable to deny, but confessed that he was alive, and had not 
been murdered : the monk also who took him out of the way 
confessed the same. Wherefore I acquaint you with these 
things, Father, lest you should determine to accuse Atha- 
nasius ; for I said that he was alive, and had been concealed 
with us, and all this is become known in Egypt, and it cannot 
any longer be kept secret. 
1 fufnf I, Paphnutius, monk of the same monastery 1 , who wrote 
this letter, heartily salute you. I trust that you are in health. 

18. The following also is the letter which the Emperor wrote 
when he learnt that Arsenius was found to be alive. 

* vid. .19. Victor, Constantine, Maximus, Augustus, to the Pope 2 
Jg^'P- Athanasius. 

§. 68. Having read the letters of your wisdom, I felt the inclina- 
tion to write in return to your gravity, and to exhort you 
that you would endeavour to restore the people of God to 

1 According to the system of go- the comites, or counts, were ten out of 
▼eminent introduced by Dioclesian and the number, who were distinguished as 
Constantine, there were thirty-five companions of the Emperor, vid. Gib- 
military commanders of the troops, bon, ch. 17. Three of these dukes were 
under the Magistri militum, and all of stationed in Egypt, 
these bore the name of duces or dukes ; 

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Letter of Constantine to Athanasius. 


tranquillity, and to merciful feelings. For in my own mind Tr. II. 
I hold these things to be of the greatest importance, that we — — — 
should cultivate truth, and ever keep righteousness in our 
thoughts, and have pleasure especially in those who walk in 
the right way of life. But as concerning those who are 
deserving of all execration, I mean the most perverse and 
ungodly Meletians, who have at last stultified themselves by 
their folly, and are now raising unreasonable commotions by 
envy, uproar, and tumult, thus making manifest their own 
ungodly dispositions, I will say thus much. You see that 
those who they pretended had been slain with the sword, are 
still amongst us, and in the enjoyment of life. Now what 
could be a stronger presumption against them, and one so 
manifestly and clearly tending to their condemnation, as that 
those whom they declared to have been murdered, are yet in 
the enjoyment of life, and accordingly will be able to speak 
for themselves ? 

20. But this further accusation was advanced by these same 
Meletians. They positively affirmed that you, rushing in 
with lawless violence, had seized upon and broken a chalice, 
which was deposited in the most Holy Place; than which 
there certainly could not be a more serious charge, nor a 
more grievous offence, had such a crime actually been 
perpetrated. But what manner of accusation is this ? What 
is the meaning of this change and variation and difference in 
the circumstances of it, insomuch that they now transfer this 
same accusation to another person 1 , a fact which makes it 1 pp. 48, 
clearer, so to speak, than the light itself, that they designed 
to lay a plot for your wisdom ? After this who can be willing 
to follow them, men that have fabricated such charges to the 
injury of another, seeing too that they are hurrying them- 
selves on to rain, and are conscious that they are accusing 
you of false and feigned crimes? Who then, as I said, will 
follow after them, and thus go headlong in the way of 
destruction; in that way in which it seems they alone 
suppose that they have hope of safety and of help ? But if 
they were willing to walk according to a pure conscience, 
and to be directed by the best wisdom, and to go in the way 
of a sound mind, they would easily perceive that no help can 
come to them from Divine Providence, while they are given 


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Letter of Arsenitis to Athanasius. 

Apol. up to such doings, and tempt their own destruction. I should 

— -'not call this a harsh judgment of them, but the simple truth. 

21. And finally, I will add, that I wish this letter to be read 
frequently by your wisdom in public, that it may thereby 
come to the knowledge of all men, and especially reach the 
ears of those who thus act, and thus raise disturbances ; for 
the judgment which is expressed by me according to the dic- 
tates of equity is confirmed also by real facts. Wherefore, 
seeing that in such conduct there is so great criminality, let 
them understand that I so judge of them ; and that I have 
come to this determination, that if they excite any further com- 
motion of this kind, I will myself in person take cognizance 
of the matter, and that not according to the ecclesiastical, but 
according to the civil laws, and so I will find them out, 
because they seem to be offenders not only against human 
kind, but against the divine doctrine itself. May God ever 
preserve you, dearly beloved brother ! 

§. 69. 2*2. But that the wickedness of the calumniators might be 
more fully displayed, behold Arsenius also wrote to me after 
he was discovered in his place of concealment ; and as the 
letter which Ischyras had written confessed the falsehood of 
their accusation, so that of Arsenius proved their maliciousness 
still more completely. 

23. To the blessed Pope Athanasius, Arsenius, Bishop of those 
who were heretofore under Meletius in the city of the 
Hypselites, together with the Presbyters and Deacons, 
wishes much health in the Lord. 

Being earnestly desirous of peace and union with the 
Catholic Church, over which by the grace of God you are 
appointed to preside, and wishing to submit ourselves to the 
Canon of the Church, according to the ancient rule", we 
write unto you, dearly beloved Pope, and declare in the name 
of the Lord, that we will not for the future hold communion 
with those who continue in schism, and are not at peace 
with the Catholic Church, its Bishops, Presbyters, and 
Deacons. Neither will we take part with them if they wish 

n vid. supr. p. 3, note a; the (so referred to here, is Can. 27. according 
called) Apostolical Canon apparently, to Beveridge. 

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Letter of Constantine to John. 


to establish any thing in a Council; neither will we send Tr. 1 1, 
letters of peace 1 unto them nor receive such from than* » 69 > 70 - 
neither yet without the consent of you our Metropolitan r . P s 8 ' 
will we publish any decree concerning Bishops, or on any 
other general Ecclesiastical question; but we will yield 
obedience to all the Canons that have heretofore been 
ordained, after the example of the Bishops* Ammonian, 
Tyrannus, Plusian, and the rest. Wherefore we beseech 
your goodness to write to us speedily in answer, and likewise 
to our fellow-ministers concerning us, informing them that 
we will henceforth abide by the fore-mentioned resolution 
and will be at peace with the Catholic Church, and at unity 
with our fellow-ministers in every part. And we are persuaded 
that your prayers, being acceptable unto God, will so prevail 
with Him, that this peace shall be firm and indissoluble unto 
the end, according to the will of God the Lord of all, through 
Jesus Christ our Lord. 

24. The sacred Ministry that is under you, we and those that 
are with us salute. Very shortly, if God permit, we will come 
unto your goodness, I, Arsenius, pray that you may be 
strong in the Lord for many years, most blessed Pope. 

But a stronger and clearer proof of the calumny is the§. 70. 
recantation of John, of which the most godly Emperor 
Constantine of blessed memory is a witness, for knowing how 
John had accused himself, and having received letters from 
him expressing his repentance, he wrote to him as follows. 

25. Constantine Maximus Augustus to John. 

The letters which J have received from your prudence 
were extremely pleasing to me, because I learned from them 
what I very much longed to hear, that you had laid aside 
every narrow feeling 2 , had joined the communion of the 9 ^»^- 
Church as became you, and were now in perfect concord tuL™' 
with the most reverend Bishop Athanasius. Be assured J 1 > ref - 
therefore that so far I entirely approve of your conduct; 
because, dismissing all occasions of quarrel, you have done 

x i. e. Meletian Bishops who had the conforming party were familiar ; or 
conformed; or, since they are not in the Meletians after the return of Meletius. 
list, §. 71. Catholic Bishops with whom vid. Tillemont, Mem. vol. 8. p. 658. 


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Letter qf Constantine to John. 

A pol. that which is pleasing to God, and have embraced the unity 
aq. Ar. Qf Hi8 Q nurcn j a or( j er therefore that you obtain the 
accomplishment of your wishes, I have thought it right to 
grant you permission to enter the public conveyance*, and to 
come to the court 1 of my clemency. Let it then be your 
care to make no delay ; but as this letter gives you authority 
to use the public conveyance, come to me immediately, that 
you may have your desires fulfilled, and by appearing in my 
presence may enjoy that pleasure which it is fit for you to 
receive. May God preserve you continually, dearly beloved 

y On the " cursus publicus," vid. 
Gothofred. in Cod. Theod. viii. tit. 5. 
It was provided for the journeys of the 
Emperor, for persona whom he sum- 
moned, for magistrates, ambassadors, 
and for such private persons as the 
Emperor indulged in the use of it, 
which was gratis. The use was granted 
by Constantine to the Bishops who were 
summoned to Nicffa, as far as it went, 
in addition though aliter Valesius in 
loc. to other means of travelling. Euseb. 
v. Const, iii. 6. The cursus publicus 
brought the Bishops to the Council of 
Tyre. ibid. iv. 43. In the conference 
between Liberius and Constantius, 
Theod. Hist. ii. 13. it is objected that 
the cursus publicus is not sufficient to 
convey Bishops to the Council which 
Liberius pioposes ; he answers that the 
Churches are rich enough to convey 
their Bishops as far as the sea. Thus 
S. Hilary was compelled, (data evec- 
tionis copia, Sulp. Sev. Hist. ii. 57.) 
to attend at Seleucia, as A than, at 
Tyre. Julian complains of the abuse 
of the cursus publicus, perhaps with an 
allusion to these Councils of Constan- 
tius. vid. Cod. Theod. viii. tit. 6. 1. 12. 
where Gothofred quotes Liban.Epitaph. 
in Julian, (vol. i. p. 569. ed. Reiske.) 
Vid. the well-known passage of Am- 
mianus, who speaks of the Councils 

being the ruin of the res vehicularia 
Hist. xxi. 16. The Eusebians at Phi- 
lippopolis say the same thing. Hilar. 
Fragm. iii. 25. The Emperor provided 
board and perhaps lodging for the Bi- 
shops at Ariminum ; which the Bishops 
of Aquitaine, Gaul, and Britain, de- 
clined, except three British from 
poverty. Sulp. Hist. ii. 66. Hunneric in 
Africa, after assembling 466 Bishops 
at Carthage, dismissed them without 
modes of conveyance, provision, or bag- 
gage. Victor. Utic. Hist iii. init In 
the Emperor's letter previous to the 
assembling of the sixth Ecumenical 
Council, A.D. 678, (Harduin. Cone, 
t. 3. p. 1048 fin.) he says he has given 
orders for the conveyance and mainte- 
nance of its members. Pope John VIII. 
reminds Ureus, Duke of Venice, (A.D. 
876.; of the same duty of providing for 
the members of a Council, " secundum 
pios principes, qui in tali bus munifice 
semper erant intenti." Colet. Concil. 
(Ven. 1730.) t. xi. p. 14. - 

* rr{ara*t&o*. vid. Chrys. on the Sta- 
tues, p. 118, note d. Gothofr. in Cod. 
Theod. \i. 32. 1. 1. Castra sunt ubi 
Princens est. ibid. 35. 1. 15. also Kies- 
ling. de Discipl. Cler. i. 5. p. 16. 
Beveridge in Can. Apost. 83. interprets 
rc{«cim of any civil engagement as 
opposed to clerical. 

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J. Thus ended the conspiracy. The Meletians were repulsed §. 71. 
and covered with shame ; but notwithstanding this the Euse- 
bians still did not remain quiet, for it was not for the Mele- 
tians but for the Arians that they cared, and they were afraid 
lest, if the proceedings of the former should be stopped, they 
should no longer find persons to play the parts 1 , by whose as- 1 p- 34, 
sistance they might bring in that heresy. They therefore again r " 
stirred up the Meletians, and persuaded the Emperor to give 
orders that a Council should be held afresh at Tyre, and Coimt 
Dionysius was despatched thither, and a military guard was 
given to the Eusebians. Macarius also was sent as a prisoner 
to Tyre under a guard of soldiers ; and the Emperor wrote to 
me, and laid a peremptory command upon me, so that, how- 
ever unwilling, I was obliged to go. The whole conspiracy 
may be understood from the letters which the Bishops of 
Egypt wrote; but it will be necessary to relate how it was 
contrived by them in the outset, that so may be perceived 
the malice and wickedness that was exercised against me. 

2. There are in Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis, nearly one 
hundred Bishops ; none of whom laid any thing to my 
charge ; none of the Presbyters found any fault with me ; 
none of the people spoke aught against me ; but it was the 
Meletians who were ejected by Peter, and the Arians, that 
divided the plot between them, while the one party claimed 
to themselves the right of accusing me, the other of sitting in 
judgment on the case. 1 objected to the Eusebians as being 
my enemies on account of the heresy ; next, 1 shewed in the 
following manner that the person who was called my accuser 
was not a Presbyter at all. When Meletius was admitted 2 p . 88> 
into communion, (would that he had never been so admitted 2 !) 
the blessed 3 Alexander who knew his craftiness required of 
him a catalogue of the Bishops whom he said he had injjfj^* 

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102 Formal catalogue of Meletian Clergy. 

Apol. Egypt, and of the Presbyters and Deacons that were in 
— — —Alexandria itself, and if he had any in the country adjoining. 
This the Pope Alexander did, lest Meletius, assuming full 
liberty of action in the Church, should sell ordination to 
many, and thus continually, by a fraudulent procedure, put in 
whatever ministers he pleased. Accordingly he made out 
the following catalogue of those in Egypt. 

3. A catalogue presented by Meletius to the Bishop 

I, Meletius of Lycus, Lucius of Antinopolis, Phasileus of 
Hermopolis, Achilles of Cusae, Ammonius of Diospolis. 

In Ptolemais, Pachymes of Tentyrae. 

In Maximianopolis, Theodoras of Coptus. 

In Thebais, Cales of Hermethes, Colluthus of Upper 
Cynus, Pelagius of Oxyrynchus, Peter of Heracleopolis, 
Theon of Nilopolis, Isaac of Letopolis, Heraclides of Nicio- 
polis, Isaac of Cleopatris, Melas of Arsenoitis. 

In Heliopolis, Amos of Leontopolis, Ision of Athribis. 

In Pharbethus, Harpocration of Bubastus, Moses of Pha- 
cusae, Callinicus of Pelusium, Eudaemon of Tanis, Ephraim 
of Thmuis. 

In Sais, Hermaeon of Cynus and Busiris, Soterichus of 
Sebennytus, Pininuthes of Phthenegys, Chronius of Metelis, 
i Mele- Agathammon of the district of Alexandria. 
«a vil- * n Memphis, John who was ordered by the Emperor to be 
lage on w ith the Archbishop 1 . These are those of Egypt, 
reotic*" And the Clergy that he had in Alexandria were Apollonius 
lake. Presbyter, Irenaeus Presbyter, Dioscorus Presbyter, Tyrannus 
SocV. w. Presbyter. And Deacons; Timotheus Deacon, Antinous 
than*" Deacon, Hephaestion Deacon. And Macarius Presbyter of 
Opp. ed. Parembole 2 . 

p. 86-89. 

§. 7*2. 4. These Meletius presented in person to the Bishop 
Alexander, but he made no mention of the person called 
Ischyras, nor ever professed at all that he had any Clergy in 
the Mareotis. Notwithstanding our enemies did not desist 
from their attempts, but still he that was no Presbyter was 
3 p. 26. feigned to be one, for there was the Count ready to use 
p°4 y " compulsion towards us, and soldiers hurried us about 3 . But 

note h. 

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Eusebian Commission to the Mareotis. 103 

eren then the grace of God prevailed: for they could notTa. II. 
convict Macarius in the matter of the chalice ; and Arsenius, 
whom they reported to have been murdered by me, stood 
before them alive and shewed the falseness of their ac- 
cusation. When therefore they were unable to convict 
Macarius, the Eusebians, who became enraged that they had 
lost the prey of which they had been in pursuit, persuaded 
the Count Dionysius who is one of them to send to the 
Mareotis, in order to see whether they could not find out 
something there against the Presbyter, or rather that they 
might at a distance patch up their plot as they pleased in my 
absence : for this was their aim. However, when I repre- 
sented that the journey to the Mareotis was a superfluous 
undertaking, (for that they ought not to pretend that state- 
ments were defective which they had been employed upon 
so long, and ought not now to defer the matter ; for they had 
said whatever they thought they could say, and now being at 
a loss what to do, they were making pretences,) or if they 
must needs go to the Mareotis, that at least the suspected 
parties should not be sent, — the Count was convinced 
by my reasoning, with respect to the suspected persons ; 
but they did any thing rather than what I proposed, 
for the very persons whom I objected against on account 
of the Arian heresy, these were they who specially went, 
viz. Diognius, Maris, Theodoras, Macedonius, Ursacius, and 
Valens. Again, letters were written to the Prefect of Egypt, 
and a military guard was provided ; and, what was remarkable 
and altogether most suspicious, they caused Macarius the 
accused party to remain behind under a guard of soldiers, 
while they took with them the accuser i . 1 tmpr. 

5. Now who after this does not see through this conspiracy ? p * 3L 
Who does not clearly perceive the wickedness of these 
Eusebians ? For if a judicial enquiry must needs take place 
in the Mareotis, the accused ought also to have been sent 
thither. But if they did not go for the purpose of such an 
enquiry, why did they take the accuser ? It was enough that 
he had not been able to prove the fact. But this they did 
in order that they might carry on their designs against the 
absent Presbyter, whom they could not convict when pre- 
sent, and might concoct a plan as they pleased. For when 


104 Letter qf the Alexandrian Clergy to tJie Commission. 

Apol. the Presbyters of Alexandria and of the whole district found 
aq Ar - fault with them because they were there by themselves, and 
required that they too might be present at their proceedings, 
(for they said that they knew both the circumstances of the 
case, and the history of the person named Ischyras,) they 
would not allow them ; and although they had with them Phila- 
grius the Prefect of Egypt, who was an apostate, and heathen 
soldiers, during an enquiry which it was not becoming even 
for Catechumens to witness, they would not admit the 
Clergy, lest there as well as at Tyre there might be those who 
would expose them. 
§. 73. 6. But in spite of these precautions they were not able to 
escape detection : for the Presbyters of the City and of the 
Mareotis, perceiving their evil designs, addressed to them 
the following protest. 

7. To Theognius, Maris, Macedonius, Theodoras, Ursacius, 
and Valens, the Bishops who have come from Tyre, these 
from the Presbyters and Deacons of the Catholic Church 
of Alexandria under the most reverend Bishop Athanasius. 

It was incumbent upon you when you came hither and 
brought with you the accuser, to bring also the Presbyter 
Macarius ; for trials are appointed by holy Scripture to be so 
constituted, that the accuser and accused may stand up 
together. But since neither you brought Macarius, nor our 
most reverend Bishop Athanasius came with you, we claimed 
for ourselves the right of being present at the investigation, 
that we might see that the enquiry was conducted impartially, 
and might ourselves be convinced of the truth. But when 
you refused to allow this, and wished, in company only with 
the Prefect of Egypt and the accuser, to do whatever you 
pleased, w T e confess that we entertained an evil suspicion of 
the affair, and perceived that your coming was only the act 
of a cabal and a conspiracy. Wherefore we address to you 
this letter, to be a testimony before a genuine Council, that 
it may be known to all men, that you have carried on an ex 
'parte proceeding and for your private ends, and have desired 
nothing else but to form a conspiracy against us. A copy 
of this, lest it should be kept secret by you, we have trans- 

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Letter of the Clergy qf the Mareotis to the Commission. 105 

mitted also to PaJladius the Controller* of Augustus. ForTa ir. 

78 74 

what you have already done causes us to suspect you, and — - — - 

to reckon on the like conduct from you hereafter. 
IDionysius Presbyter have delivered this letter, Alexander 
Presbyter, Nilaras Presbyter, Longus Presbyter, Aphthonius 
Presbyter, Athanasius Presbyter, Amyntius Presbyter, Pistus 
Presbyter, Plution Presbyter, Dioscorus Presbyter, Apollonius 
Presbyter, Serapion Presbyter, Ammonius Presbyter, Gaius 
Presbyter, Bhinus Presbyter, CEthales Presbyter, 

Deacons ; Marcellinus Deacon, Appianus Deacon, Theon 
Deacon, Timotheus Deacon, a second Timotheus Deacon. 

8. This is the letter, and these the names of the Clergy of§. 74. 
the city ; and the following was written by the Clergy of the 
Mareotis, who know the character of the accuser, and who 
were with me in my visitation. 

9. To the holy Council of blessed Bishops of the Catholic 
Church, all the Presbyters and Deacons of the Mareotis 
send health in the Lord. 

Knowing that which is written, Speak that thine pyes Prov.25, 
have seen, and, A false ivitness shall not he unpunished; we 19^5?*" 
testify what we have seen, especially since the conspiracy 
which has been formed against our Bishop Athanasius has 
made our testimony necessary. We wonder how Ischyras 
ever came to be reckoned among the number of the 
Ministers of the Church, which is the first point we think it 
necessary to mention. Ischyras never was a Minister of the 
Church ; but when formerly he represented himself to be a 
Presbyter of Colluthus, he found no one to believe him, 
except only his own relations. For he never had a Church, 
nor was ever considered a Clergyman, by those who lived 
but a short distance from his village, except only, as we 
said before, by his own relations. But, notwithstanding he 
assumed this designation, he was deposed in the presence of 
our Father Hosius at the Council which assembled at 

* Curiosu8; the Curiosi (in curis t. 2. p. 194. ed. 1665. Constantius con- 

agendis) were properly the overseers fined them to the school of the Agentes 

of the public roads, Ducange in voc. in rebus, (infr. Apol. ad Const. §. 10.) 

but they became in consequence a sort under the Master of the Offices, 

of imperial spy, and were called the Gothofr. ibid. p. 192. 
Emperor's eyes. Gothofr. in Cod.Theod. 

106 Letter of the Clergy of the Mareotis 

Apol. Alexandria, and was reduced to the condition of a layman, 

— -'and so he continued subsequently, being deprived of his 

pretended claim to the priesthood. Of his character we 
think it unnecessary to speak, as all men have it in their 
power to become acquainted therewith. But since he has 
falsely accused our Bishop Athanasius of breaking a chalice 
and overturning a table, we are necessarily obliged to 
address you on this point. 

10. We have said already that he never had a Church in the 
Mareotis ; and we declare before God as our witness, that no 
chalice was broken, nor table overturned by our Bishop, nor 
by any one of those who accompanied hhn ; but all that is 
alleged respecting this affair is mere calumny. And this we 
say, not as having been absent from the Bishop, for we are 
all with him when he makes his visitation of the Mareotis, 
and he never goes about alone, but is accompanied by all 
the Presbyters and Deacons, and by a considerable number 
of the people. Wherefore we make these assertions, as 
having been present with him during the whole of the 
visitation which he made amongst us, and testify that 
neither was a chalice ever broken, nor table overturned, 
but the whole story is false, as the accuser himself also 
isupr. witnesses under his own hand 1 . For when, after he had 

p 93 

withdrawn with the Meletians, and had reported these 
things against our Bishop Athanasius, he wished to be 
admitted to communion, he was not received, although 
he wrote and confessed under his own hand that none of 
these things were true, but that he had been suborned by 
certain persons to say so. 
§• 75. 11. Wherefore also Theognius, Theodorus, Maris, Mace- 
donius, Ursacius, and Valeus, came into the Mareotis, and 
when they found that none of these things were true, but 
it was likely to be discovered that they had framed a false 
accusation against our Bishop Athanasius, the party of 
Theognius being themselves his enemies, caused the re- 
2 s ^P r - lations of Ischyras and certain Arian fanatics 8 to say 
r'l! whatever they wished. For none of the people spoke 
against the Bishop but these persons, through a dread of 
Philagrius the Prefect of Egypt, and by threats and with the 
support of the Arian fanatics 2 , accomplished whatever they 

Digitized by Google 

to the Eusebian Commission from Tyre. 107 

(feared. For when we came to disprove the calumny, they Ta. II. 
would not permit us, but cast us out, while they admitted 75 ' 76 ' 
whom they pleased to a participation in their schemes, and 
concerted matters with them, influencing them by fear of the 
Prefect Philagrius. Through his means they prevented us 
from being present, that we might discover whether those 
who were suborned by them were members of the Church 
or Arian fanatics. And you also, dearly beloved Fathers, 
know, as you teach us, that the testimony of enemies avails 
nothing. That what we say is the truth the handwriting 1 of 1 
Ischyras testifies, as do also the facts themselves, because a j^. 
when we were conscious that no such thing as was pre- Const, 
tended had taken place, they took with them Philagrius, that 
through fear of the sword and by threats they might frame 
whatever plots they wished. These things we testify as in 
the presence of God ; we make these assertions as knowing 
that there will be a judgment held by God; desiring indeed 
all of us to come to you, but being content with these letters 
which we send to you, that they may be instead of the 
presence of those who cannot come. 

I, Ingenius Presbyter, pray that you may be strong in 
the Lord, dearly beloved Fathers. Theon P. Ammonas P. 
Heraclius P. Boccon P. Tryphon P. Peter P. Hierax P. 
Serapion P. Marcus P. Ptollarion P. Gaius P. Dioscorus P. 
Demetrius P. Thyrsus P. 

Deacons; Pistus D. Apollos D. Serras D. Pistus D. 
Polynicus D. Ammonius D. Maurus D. Hephaestus D. 
Apollos D. Metopas D. Apollos D. Serapas D. Meli- 
phthongus D. Lucius D. Gregoras D. 

12. The same to the Controller, and to Philagrius, at that §. 76. 

time Prefect of Egypt. 
To Flavius Philagrius, and to Flavius Palladius, Ducenary b , 
Officer of the Palace 2 , and Controller, and to Flavius Antoninus, 2 vid. p. 
Commissary of Provisions 3 , and Centenary of my Lords, the 
most illustrious Prefects of the sacred Praetorium, these from 
the Presbyters and Deacons of the Mareotis, a district of the 

b On the different kinds of Duce- whose annual pay amounted to 200 

naries, vid. Gothofr. in Cod. Theod. xi. sestertia. vid. Salmas. in Hist. Aug. 

7- leg. 1. Here, as in Euseb. Hist. vii. t. 1. p. 533. In like manner a Cente- 

30. the word stands for a Procurator, nary is one who receives 100. 

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108 The Clergy of the Mareotis to the Prefect and Controller 

Apol. Catholic Church which is under the most Reverend Bishop 
^-^lAthanasius, we address this testimony by those whose names 
are under- written : — 

Whereas Theognius, Maris, Macedonius, Theodoras, Ursa- 
cius, and Valens, as if sent by all the Bishops who assembled 
at Tyre, came into our Diocese alleging that they had 
received orders to investigate certain ecclesiastical affairs, 
among which they spoke of the breaking of a chalice belong- 
ing to the Lord, of which information was given them by 
Ischyras, whom they brought with them, and who says that 
he is a Presbyter, although he is not, — for he was ordained by 
the Presbyter Colluthus who pretended to the Episcopate, 
and was afterwards ordered by a whole Council, by Hosius 
and the Bishops that were with him, to take the place of 
a Presbyter, as he was before ; and accordingly all that were 
ordained by Colluthus, resumed the same rank which they 
held before, and so Ischyras himself proved to be a layman, — 
and the Church, which he says he has, never was a Church 
at all, but a small dwelling house belonging to an orphan 
boy of the name of Ision ; — for this reason w r e have offered 
this testimony, adjuring you by Almighty God, and by our 
Lords Constantine Augustus, and the most illustrious Caesars 
his sons, to bring these things to the knowledge of their 
piety. Fot neither is he a Presbyter of the Catholic Church, 
nor does he possess a Church, nor has a chalice ever been 
broken, but the whole story is false and an invention. 
1 A.D. Dated in the Consulship 1 of Julius Coustantius the most 


illustrious Patrician c , brother of the most religious Emperor 
Constantine Augustus, and of Rufinus Albinus, most illus- 
*August.trious men, on the tenth day of the month Thoth 2 , 
These were the letters of the Presbyters. 

§. 77. 13. The following also are the letters and protests of the 
Bishops who came with us to Tyre, when they discovered 
the conspiracy and plot. 

e The title Patrician was revived by Julius Constantius, who was the father of 

Constantine as a personal distinction. It Julian, was the first who bore the title, 

was for life, and gave precedence over with L. Optatus, who had been consul 

all the great officers of state except the the foregoing year. Illustrissimus was 

Consul. It was usually bestowed on the highest of the three ranks of honour, 

favourites, or on ministers as a reward ibid, 
of services. Gibbon, Hist. ch. 17. This 

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Tlie Egyptian Bishops at Tyre to the whole Council of Tyre. 109 

14. To the Bishops assembled at Tyre, most honoured Lords, Te. II. 
those of the Catholic Church who have come from Egypt— — — 
with Athanasius send health in the Lord. 

We suppose that the conspiracy which has been formed 
against us by Eusebius, Theognius, Marus, Narcissus, Theo- 
doras, and Patrophilus, is no longer uncertain. From the 
very beginning we all demurred, through our fellow-minister 
Athanasius, to the holding of the inquiry in their presence, 
knowing that the presence of even one enemy only, much 
more of many, is able to disturb and injure the hearing of a 
cause. And you also yourselves know the enmity which 
they entertain, not only towards us, but towards all the 
orthodox, how that for the sake of the fanaticism of Arius, 
and his impious doctrine, they direct their assaults, they 
form conspiracies against all. And when, being confident 
in the truth, we desired to shew the falsehood, which the 
Meletians had employed against the Church, the Eusebians 
endeavoured by some means or other to interrupt our repre- 
sentations, and strove eagerly to set aside our testimony, 
threatening those who gave an honest judgment, and insult- 
ing others, for the sole purpose of carrying out the design 
they had against us. Your divinely inspired 1 piety, most'l***? 
honoured Lords, was probably ignorant of their conspiracy, 
but we suppose that it has now been made manifest. 

15. For indeed they have themselves plainly disclosed it; 
for they desired to send to the Mareotis those of their party 
who are suspected by us, so that, while we were abseut and 
remained here, they might disturb the people and accomplish 
what they wished. They knew that the Arian fanatics, and 
Colluthians d and Meletians, were enemies of the Catholic 
Church, and therefore they were anxious to send them, that 
in the presence of our enemies they might devise against us 
whatever schemes they pleased. And those of the Meletians 
who are here, even four days previously, (as they knew that 
this inquiry was about to take place,) despatched at evening 
certain of their party, as a post, for the purpose of collecting 
Meletians out of Egypt into the Mareotis, because there were 

d Colluthus formed a schism on the on himself to ordain, even to the Priest- 
doctrine that God was not the cause of hood. vid. supr. p. 30, rote 1. St. Alex- 
any sort of evil, e. g. did not inflict pain ander even seems to imply that he did 
and suffering. Though a Priest, he took so for money. Theod. Hist. i. 3. 

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1 10 The Egyptian Bishops at Tyre to the whole Councilat Tyre, 

Apol. none at all there, and Colluthians and Arian fanatics, from 
ackAr. Qtner p ar j gj an( j i 0 prepare them to speak against us. For 
you also know that Ischyras himself confessed before you, 
that he had not more than seven persons in his congregation. 
When therefore we heard that, after they had made what 
preparations they pleased against us, and had sent these 
suspected persons, they were going about to each of you, 
and requiring your subscriptions, in order that it might 
appear as if this had been done with the consent of you 
all; for this reason we hastened to write to you, and to 
present this our testimony ; declaring that we are the objects 
of a conspiracy under which we are suffering by and through 
them, and demanding that having the fear of God in your 
minds, and condemning their conduct in sending whom they 
pleased without our consent, you would refuse your sub- 
scriptions, lest they pretend that those things are done by 
you, which they are contriving only among themselves. 

16. Surely it becomes those who are in Christ, not to regard 
men, but to prefer the truth before all things. And be not 
afraid of their threatenings, which they employ against all, 
nor of their plots, but rather fear God. If it was at all 
necessary that persons should be sent to the Mareotis, we 
also ought to have been there with them, in order that we 
might convict the enemies of the Church, and point out those 
who were aliens, and that the investigation of the matter 
might be impartial. For you know that the Eusebians 
contrived that a letter should be presented, as coming from 
the Colluthians, the Meletians, and Arians, and directed 
against us: but it is evident that these enemies of the 
Catholic Church speak nothing that is true concerning us, 
but say every thing against us. And the law of God forbids 
an enemy to be either a witness or a judge. Wherefore as 
you will have to give an account in the day of judgment, 
receive this testimony, and recognising the conspiracy which 
has been framed against us, beware, if you are requested by 
them, of doing any thing against us, and of taking part in the 
designs of the Eusebians. For you know, as we said before, 
that they are our enemies, and are aware why Eusebius of 
Caesarea became such last year. We pray that you may be 
1 xiyu in health, greatly beloved Lords l . 

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The Egyptian Bishops at Tyre to Count Dionysius. Ill 

17. To the most illustrious Count Flavius Dionysius, from the Tr. II. 
Bishops of the Catholic Church in Egypt who have come 7S ' 
to Tyre 1 . ^ §• 78 - 

1 nearly 

We suppose that the conspiracy which has been formed [f^a* 
against us by Eusebius, Theognius, Maris, Narcissus, the fore- 
Theodoras, and Patrophilus, is no longer uncertain. From g0,ng * 
the very beginning we all demurred, through our fellow- 
minister Athanasius, to the holding of the inquiry in their 
presence, knowing that the presence of even one enemy 
only, much more of many, is able to disturb and injure the 
hearing of a cause. For their enmity is manifest which they 
entertain, not only towards us, but also towards all the 
orthodox, because they direct their assaults, they form con- 
spiracies against all. And when, being confident in the 
truth, we desired to shew the falsehood which the Meletians 
had employed against the Church, the Eusebians en- 
deavoured by some means or other to interrupt our repre- 
sentations, and strove eagerly to set aside our testimony, 
threatening those who gave a honest judgment and insulting 
others, for the sole purpose of carrying out the design they 
had against us. Your goodness was probably ignorant of 
the conspiracy which they have formed against us, but we 
suppose that it has now been made manifest. 

18. For indeed they have themselves plainly disclosed it; for 
they desired to send to the Mareotis those of their party who 
are suspected by us, so that, while we were absent, and 
remained here, they might disturb the people and accomplish 
what they wished. They knew that Arian fanatics, Collu- 
thians, and Meletians were enemies of the Church, and 
therefore they were anxious to send them, that in the 
presence of our enemies, they might devise against us 
whatever schemes they pleased. And those of the Meletians 
who are here, even four days before, (as they knew that this 
inquiry was about to take place,) despatched at evening two 
individuals of their own party, as a post, for the purpose of 
collecting Meletians out of Egypt into the Mareotis, because 
there were none at all there, and Colluthians, and Arian 
fanatics, from other parts, and to prepare them to speak 
against us. And your goodness knows that he himself 

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112 Second Letter from the Egyptian Bishops to Dionysius. 

Apol. confessed before you, that he had not more than seven 
— Ab * persons in his congregation. When therefore we heard that, 
after they had made what preparations they pleased against 
us, and had sent these suspected persons, they were going 
about to each of the Bishops and requiring their sub- 
scriptions, in order that it might appear that this was done 
with the consent of them all ; for this reason we hastened to 
refer the matter to your honour, and to present this our 
testimony, declaring that we are the objects of a conspiracy, 
under which we are suffering by and through them, and 
demanding of you that having in your mind the fear of God, 
and the pious commands of our most religious Emperor, you 
would no longer tolerate these persons, but condemn their 
conduct in sending whom they pleased without our consent. 

I Adamantius Bishop have subscribed this letter, Ischyras, 
Ammon, Peter, Ammonianus, Tyrannus, Taurinus, Sarapam- 
mon, CElurion, Harpocration, Moses, Optatus, Anubion, 
Saprion, Apollonius, Ischyrion, Arbcethion, Potamon, Paph- 
nutius, Heraclides, Theodorus, Agatharamon, Gaius, Pistus, 
Athas, Nicon, Pelagius, Theon, Paninuthius, Nonnus, 
Ariston, Theodorus, Irenaeus, Blastammon, Philippus, Apol- 
los, Dioscorus, Timotheus of Diospolis, Macarius, Heraclam- 
mon, Cronius, Muis, James, Ariston, Artemidorus, Phinees, 
Psais, Heraclides. 

19. Another front the same. 

The Bishops of the Catholic Church who have come from 
Egypt to Tyre, to the most illustrious Count Flavius Diony- 

Perceiving that many conspiracies and plots are being 
formed against us through the machinations of Eusebius, 
Narcissus, Flacillus, Theognius, Maris, Theodorus, and 
Patrophilus, (against whom we wished at first to enter an 
objection, but were not permitted,) we are constrained to 
have recourse to the present appeal. We observe also that 
great zeal is exerted in behalf of the Meletians, and that a 
plot is laid against the Catholic Church in Egypt in our per- 
sons. Wherefore we address this letter to you, beseeching you 
to bear in mind the Almighty Power of God, who defends 
the kingdom of our most religious and godly Emperor Con- 

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Letter of Alexander of Tfiessalonica to Dionysius. 118 

stantine, and to reserve the hearing of the affairs which Tr. ii. 
concern us for the most religious Emperor himself. For it is 79> — 
but reasonable, since you were commissioned by his Majesty, 
that you should reserve the matter for him upon our appealing 
to his piety. We can no longer endure to be the objects of 
the treacherous designs of the fore-mentioned Kusebians, and 
therefore we demand that the case be reserved for the most 
religious and godly Emperor, before whom we shall be able 
to set forth our own and the Church's just claims. And we 
are convinced that when his piety shall have heard our 
cause, he will not condemn us. Wherefore we again adjure 
you by Almighty God, and by our most religious Emperor, 
who, together with the children of his piety, has thus ever 
been victorious 1 and prosperous these many years, that you 1 pp. 79 
proceed no further, nor suffer yourself to move at all in the p^g 6 ' 
Council in relation to our affairs, but reserve the hearing of r - 2 - 
them for his piety. We have likewise made the same repre- 
sentations to my Lords 2 the orthodox Bishops. 2 *»t*«s 

20. Alexander 3 , Bishop of Thessalonica, on receiving these §. 80. 
letters, wrote to the Count Dionysius as follows. note?' 

21. The Bishop Alexander to my Lord 4 Dionysius. 4 W#rj 

I see that a conspiracy has evidently been formed against 
Athanasius ; for they have determined, I know not on what 
grounds, to send all those to whom he has objected, without 
giving any information to us, although it was agreed that we 
should consider together who ought to be sent. Take care 
therefore that nothing be done rashly, (for they have come to 
me in great alarm, saying that the wild beasts have already 
roused themselves, and are going to rush upon them; for 
they had heard it reported, that John had sent certain,) lest 
they be beforehand with us, and concoct what schemes they 
please. For you know that the Colluthians 5 who are enemies s p . 109, 
of the Church, and the Arians, and Meletians, are all of noted - 
them leagued together, and are able to work much evil. 
Cousider therefore what is best to be done, lest some 
mischief befal, and we be subject to censure, as not having 
judged the matter fairly. Great suspicions are also enter- 
tained of these persons, lest, as being devoted to the Meletians, 


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Letter of Count Dionysius to the Eusebians. 

Apol. they should go through those Churches whose Bishops are 
ItTyre ^ eTG *' anc * ra * se an a ' arm amongst them, and so disorder the 
* whole of Egypt. For they see that this is already taking place 
to a great extent. 

22. In consequence of this, the Count Dionysius wrote to 
the Eusebians as follows. 

§.81. 23. This is what I have already mentioned to my lords 
Verhaps associated with Flacillus 2 , that Athanasius has come forward 
Sentof an ^ complained that those very persons have been sent 
Council, whom he objected to ; and crying out that be has been 
note b. 'wronged and deceived. Alexander the lord of my soul has 
also written to me on the subject; and that you may 
perceive that what his Excellence has said is reasonable, I 
have subjoined his letter to be read by you. Remember 
also what I wrote to you before: I impressed upon your 
Excellences, my lords, that the persons who were sent 
ought to be commissioned by the general vote and decision 
of all. Take care therefore lest our proceedings fall under 
censure, and we give just grounds of blame to those who are 
disposed to find fault with us. For as the accuser's side 
ought not to suffer any oppression, so neither ought the 
defendant's. And I think that there is no slight ground of 
blame against us, when my lord Alexander appears to 
disapprove of what we have done. 

§. 82. 24. While matters were proceeding thus we withdrew from 
Jer.9,2.them, as from an assembly of treacherous men, for what- 
soever they pleased they did, whereas there is no man in 
the world but knows that ex parte proceedings cannot 
stand good. This the divine law determines ; for when the 
blessed Apostle was suffering under a similar conspiracy and 
Acts 24, was brought to trial, he demanded, saying, The Jews from 
18# l9, Asia ought to have been here before thee, and object, if they 
had ought against me. On which occasion Festus also, 
when the Jews wished to lay such a plot against him, as 
Acts 26, these men have now laid against me, said, It is not the 
manner of the Romans to deliver any man to die, before 
that he which is accused have the accuser face to face, 

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Inconsistencies in the testimonies in behalf of Ischyras. 115 

and have licence to answer for himself concerning f7*eTa II. 
crime laid against him. But the Eusebians have both — • — - 
had the boldness to pervert the law, and have acted more 
unjustly even than those unjust persons. For they did 
not proceed privately at the first, but when in conse- 
quence of our being present they found themselves weak, 
then they straightway went out, like the Jews, and took 
counsel together alone, how they might destroy us and 
bring in their heresy, as they demanded Barabbas. For 
this purpose it was, as they have themselves confessed, that 
they did all these things. 

25. Although these circumstances were amply sufficient for §. 83. 
our vindication, yet in order that the wickedness of these 
men and the freeness of the truth might be more fully ex- 
hibited, I have not felt averse to repeat them again, in order 
to shew that they have acted in a manner inconsistently with 
themselves, and as men scheming in the dark have fallen 
foul upon one another, and while they desired to destroy us 
have like insane persons wounded themselves. For in their 
investigation of the subject of the Mysteries, they questioned 
Jews, they examined Catechumens 1 ; " Where were you," 1 vid. 
they said, " when Macarius came and overturned the Table ?" p * 73 * 
They answered, " We were present within doors ;** whereas 
there could be no oblation if Catechumens were present. 
Again, although they had written word every where, that 
Macarius came and overthrew every thing, while the Pres- 
byter was standing and celebrating the Mysteries, yet when 
they questioned whomsoever they pleased, and asked them, 
" Where was Ischyras when Macarius rushed in ?" those 
persons answered that he was lying sick in a cell. Now he 
that was lying could not be standing, nor could one that lay 
sick in his cell offer the oblation. Besides whereas Ischyras 
said that certain books had been burnt by Macarius, the 
witnesses who were suborned to give evidence, declared that 
nothing of the kind had been done, but that Ischyras spoke 
falsely. And what is most remarkable, although they had 
again written word every where, that those who were able to 
give evidence had been concealed by us, yet these persons 
made their appearance, and ihey questioned them, and were 
not ashamed to find it proved on all sides that they were 


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116 Lettero/theCounciloJ Jerusalem totheAlexandrianChurch. 

Apol. slanderers, and had acted in this matter clandestinely, and ac- 

AO ' Ab * cording to their pleasure. For they prompted the witnesses 
by signs, while the Prefect threatened them, and the soldiers 
pricked them with their swords ; but the Lord revealed the 
truth, and shewed them to be slanderers. Therefore also they 
concealed the Records of their proceedings, which they 
retained themselves, and charged those who wrote them to 
keep out of sight, and to communicate to no one whom- 
soever. But in this too also they were disappointed ; for 
the person who wrote them was Rufus, who is now public 

1 vid. executioner in the Augustalian 1 prefecture, and is able to testify 

note d. to the truth of this ; and the Eusebians sent them to Rome by 
the hands of their own friends, and Julius the Bishop trans- 
mitted them to me. And now they are mad with rage, because 
we have obtained and read what they wished to conceal. 

§. 84. 26. As such was the character of their machinations, so they 
very soon shewed plainly the reasons of their conduct. For 
when they went away, they took the Arians with them to 
Jerusalem, and there admitted them to communion, having 

' sent out a letter concerning them, part* of which, and the 

siT(vol. beginning, is as follows. 

103.) 07. The holy Council by the grace of God assembled at Jeru- 
salem, to the Church of God which is in Alexandria, and 
to the Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons, in all Egypt, the 
Thebais, Libya, Pentapolis, and throughout the world, 
sends health in the Lord. 

Having come together out of different Provinces to a 
great meeting which we have held for the consecration of the 
Martyry of the Saviour, which has been appointed to the 
service of God the King of all and of His Christ, by the 
zeal of our most religious Emperor Constantine, the grace 
of God hath afforded us more abundant rejoicing of heart; 
which our most religious Emperor himself hath occasioned 
us by his letters, wherein he hath stirred us up to do that 
which is right, putting away all envy from the Church of 
God, and driving far from us all malice, by which the 
members of God have been heretofore torn asunder, and 
•that we should with single and peaceable minds receive the 
Arians, whom envy, that enemy of all goodness, has caused 

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Bargain of the Eusebiam with Ischyras. 


for a season to be excluded from the Church. Our most Tr. II. 
religious Emperor has also in his letter testified to the cor- 84< 85 ' 
rectness of their faith, which he has ascertained from them- 
selves, himself receiving the profession of it from them by word 
of mouth, and has now made manifest to us by subjoining a 
written declaration of their orthodox belief. 

28. Every one that hears of these things must see through §. 85. 
their treachery. For they made no concealment of what 

they were doing ; unless perhaps they confessed the truth 
without wishing it. For if I was the hindrance to the 
admittance of the Arians into the Church, and if they were 
received while I was suffering from their plots, what other 
conclusion can be arrived at, than that these things were 
done on their account, and that all their proceedings against 
me, and the story which they fabricated about the breaking 
of the chalice and the murder of Arsenius, were for the sole 
purpose of introducing impiety into the Church, and of pre- 
venting their being condemned as heretics? For this was 
what the Emperor threatened long ago in his letters to me. 
And they were not ashamed to write in the manner they did, 
and to affirm that those persons whom the whole Ecumenical 
Council anathematized held orthodox sentiments. And as 
they undertook to say and do any thing without scruple, so 
they were not afraid to meet together in a corner, in order 
to overthrow, as far as was in their power, the authority of so 
great a Council. 

29. Moreover, the price which they paid for false testimony 
yet more fully manifests their wickedness and impious in- 
tentions. The Mareotis, as I have already said, is a district 
of Alexandria, in which there has never been either a Bishop 
or a Chorepiscopus 6 ; but the Churches of the whole district 
are subject to the Bishop of Alexandria, and each Presbyter 
has under his charge one of the largest villages, which are 
about ten or more in number f . Now the village in which 
Ischyras lives, is a very small one, and possesses so few 
inhabitants, that there has never been a Church built there, 

* That Chorepiscopi were real Bi- i. 2. c. 1. 

shops, vid. Bevereg. in Cone. Ancyr. f Ten under each Presbyter. Vales. 

Can. 13. Routh in Cone. Neocffls. Can. ad Socr. Hist. i. 27. Ten altogether, 

13. referring to Rhabanus Maurus. Montfaucon in loc. with more proba- 

Thomassin on the other hand denies bility; and so Tillemont, vol. 8. p. 

that they were Bishops, Discipl. Eccl. 20. 

118 The Receiver-General to the Tax-collector oftheMareotis. 

Apol. but only in the adjoining village. Nevertheless, they deter- 
A0 ' AR -mined, contrary to ancient usage *, to nominate a Bishop for 
this place, and not only so, but even to appoint one, who was 
not so much as a Presbyter. Knowing as they did the 
unusual nature of such a proceeding, yet being constrained 
by the promises they had given in return for his false impeach- 
ment of me, they submitted even to this, lest that abandoned 
person, if he were ill-treated by them, should disclose the 
truth, and thereby shew the wickedness of the Eusebians. 
Notwithstanding this, he has no Church, nor a people to 
obey him, but is scouted by them all, like a dog h , although 
they have even caused the Emperor to write to the Receiver- 
1 Catho- General l , (for every thing is in their power,) commanding 
p. C 32. lnat a Church should be built for him, that being possessed 
Apol. ad of that, his statement may appear credible about the chalice 
§. 10. and the table. They caused him immediately to be nomi- 
nated a Bishop, because if he were without a Church, and 
not even a Presbyter, he would appear to be a false accuser, 
and a fabricator of the whole matter. Nevertheless he pos- 
* pp. sesses but an empty title, as he has no people 2 , and even his 
i08,uo. own re ] a ^ ons are no t obedient to him, and the letter also has 
failed to accomplish its purpose, remaining only as a con- 
vincing proof of the utter wickedness of himself and the 
Eusebians. It runs as follows. 

30. The Letter of the Receiver-General. 

3 Ex- Flavius Hemerius sends health to the Tax-collector 3 of the 
Mtor - Mareotis. 

Ischyras the Presbyter having petitioned the piety of our 
Lords, Caesars Augusti, that a Church might be built in the 

4 p. 34, district of the Peace of Secontarurus 4 , their divinity has com- 
note o. mano » e( i th at t hi s s bould be done as soon as possible. Take 

care therefore, as soon as you receive the copy of the sacred 
Edict, which with all due veneration is placed above, and the 
Reports which have been formed before my sanctity, that you 

8 It was against the Canon of Sar- however, makes him a Deacon. Frag in. 

dica, and doubtless against ancient ii. 16. 

usage, to ordain a Bishop for so small h Dogs without owners, and almost 

a village, vid. Bingham, Antiqu. ii. 12. in a wild state, abound, as is well known, 

who, however, maintains by instances, in Eastern cities ; vid. Psalm lix. 6, 14, 

that at least small towns might be sees. 15. 2 Kings ix. 35, 36. and for the view 

AIko it was against usage that a lay- taken in Scripture of dogs, vid. Bochart, 

man, as Ischyras, should be made a Hieroz. ii. 56. 
Bishop, ibid. 10. §. 4, &c. St. Hilary, 

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Letter of Constantine to the Council of Tyre. 119 

quickly make an abstract of them, and transfer them to the Tr. ii. 
Order book, so that the sacred command may be put in 85 ' 86 ' 

31. While they were thus plotting and scheming, I went up 1 §. 86. 
and represented to the Emperor the unjust conduct of thej^ 26 ' 
Eusebians, for he it was who had commanded the Council to 
be held, and his Count presided at it. When he heard my 
report, he was greatly moved, and wrote to them as follows. 

32. Victor 2 , Constantine, Maximus, Augustus, to the Bishops * Euseb. 

assembled at Tyre. li?48* U 

I know not what the decisions are which you have arrived 
at in your Council amidst noise and tumult ; but somehow 
the truth seems to have been perverted in consequence of 
certain confusions and disorders, in that you, through your 
mutual contentiousness, which you are resolved should pre- 
vail, have failed to perceive what is pleasing to God. How- 
ever, it will rest with Divine Providence to disperse the 
mischiefs which manifestly are found to arise from this 
contentious spirit, and to shew plainly to us, whether you, 
while assembled in that place, have had any regard for the 
truth, and whether you have made your decisions uninfluenced 
by either favour or enmity. Wherefore I wish you all to 
assemble with all speed before my piety, in order that you 
may render in person a true account of your proceedings. 

33. The reason why I have thought good to write thus to 
you, and why I summon you before me by letter, you will 
learn from what I am going to say. As I was entering on a 
late occasion our all-happy home of Constantinople, which 
bears our name, (I chanced at the time to be on horseback,) 
on a sudden the Bishop Athanasius, with certain others 
whom he had with him, approached me in the middle of the 
road, so unexpectedly, as to occasion me much amazement. 
God, who knoweth all things, is my witness, that I should 
have been unable at first sight even to recognise him, had 
not some of my attendants, on my naturally enquiring of 
them, informed me both who it was, and under what injustice 
he was suffering. I did not however enter into any conver- 
sation with him at that time, nor grant him an interview;, but 

Digitized by 

120 Letter of Constantine to the Council of Tyre. 

Apol. when he requested to be heard I refused, and all but gav£ 
orders for his removal: when with increasing boldness he 
claimed only this favour, that you should be summoned to 
appear, that he might have an opportunity of complaining 
before me in your presence, of the ill-treatment which he has 
met with. As this appeared to me to be a reasonable request, 
and suitable to the times, I willingly ordered this letter to be 
written to you, in order that all of you, who constituted the 
Council which was held at Tyre, might hasten without delay 

1 *«-{««-•• to the Court 1 of my clemency, so as to prove by facts that you 
**" 0 ' 0 had passed an impartial and uncorrupt judgment. This, I 
note z! say, you must do before me, whom not even you will deny to 

2 be a true servant of God * 

*w« 34 p or m( j ee ci through my devotion 5 to God, peace is pre- 
r^timt served every where, and the Name of God is truly worshipped 
even by the barbarians, who have hitherto been ignorant of 
the truth. And it is manifest, that he who is ignorant of the 
truth, does not know God. Nevertheless, as I said before, 
even the barbarians have now come to the knowledge of God, 
by means of me, His true servant 1 , and have learned to fear 
Him whom they perceive from actual facts to be my shield 
and protector every where. And from this chiefly they have 
come to know God, whom they fear through the dread which 
they have of me. But we, who profess to set forth (for I will 
not say to guard) the holy mysteries of His Goodness, we, 
I say, engage in nothing but what tends to dissension and 
hatred, and, in short, whatever contributes to the destruction 
of mankind. But hasten, as I said before, and all of you 
with all speed come to us, being persuaded that I shall 
endeavour with all my might to amend what is amiss, so 
that those things specially may be preserved and firmly 
established in the law of God, to which no blame nor 
dishonour may attach ; while the enemies of the law, who 
under pretence of His holy Name bring in manifold and 
divers blasphemies, shall be scattered abroad, and entirely 
crushed, and utterly destroyed. 

1 " Once in an entertainment, at of matters within the Church, I am 

which he (Constantine) received Bi- appointed by God to be Bishop of 

shops, he made the remark that he too matters external to it.' " Euseb. Vit 

was a Bishop ; using pretty much these Const, iv. 24. vid. supr. p. 76, note 

words in my hearing, * You are Bishops m. 

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Letter of Con start tine to the Alexandrian laity. 121 

35. When the Eusebians read this letter, being conscious of Tb. II. 
what they had done, they prevented the rest of the Bishops 97 ' 
from going up, and only themselves went, viz. Eusebius, §• 
Theognius, Patrophilus, the other Eusebius, Ursacius, and 
Valens. And they no longer said any thing about the 
chalice and Arsenius, (for they had not the boldness to do 
so,) but inventing another accusation which concerned the 
Emperor himself, they declared before him, that Athanasius 
had threatened that he would cause the corn to be withheld 
which was sent from Alexandria to his own home 1 . The 1 Con- 
Bishops Adamantius, Anubion, Agathammon, Arbethion, and^e." 
Peter, were present and heard this. It was proved also by 
the anger of the Emperor ; for although he had written the 
preceding letter, and had condemned their injustice, as soon 
as he heard such a charge as this, he was immediately in- 
censed, and instead of granting me a hearing, he sent me away 
into Gaul. And this again shews their wickedness further : 
for when the younger Constantine, of blessed memory, sent 
me back home, remembering what his father had written, he 
also wrote as follows. 

36. Constantine Caesar, to the people of the Catholic Church 
of the city of Alexandria. 

I suppose that it has not escaped the knowledge of your 
pious minds, that Athanasius, the interpreter of the adorable 
Law, was sent away into Gaul for a time, with the intent 
that, as the savageness of his bloodthirsty and inveterate 
enemies persecuted him to the hazard of his sacred life 2 , he**ip«A« 
might thus escape suffering some irremediable calamity, 
through the perverse dealing of those evil men. In order 
therefore to escape this, he was snatched out of the jaws of 
his assailants, and was ordered to pass some time under my 
government, and so was supplied abundantly with all neces- 
saries in this city, where he lived, although indeed his cele- 
brated virtue, relying entirely on divine assistance, set at 
nought the sufferings of adverse fortune. Now seeing that it 
was the fixed intention of our Lord 5 Constantine Augustus, ray 3 
Father, to restore the said Bishop to his own place, and to rnt 
your most beloved piety, but he was taken away by that 
fate which is common to all men, and went to his rest before 

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Conclusion of the Apology. 

Apol. he could accomplish his wish ; I have thought proper to fulfil 
aq. All * t hat intention of the Emperor of sacred memory which I 
have inherited from him. When he comes to present him- 
self before you, you will learn with what reverence he has 
been treated. Indeed it is not wonderful, whatever I have 
done on his behalf; for the thoughts of your longing 
desire for him, and the appearance of so great a man, moved 
my mind, and urged me thereto. May Divine Providence 
continually preserve you, dearly beloved brethren. 
* June Dated from Treves the 15th before the Calends of July l . 



§. 88. 37. This being the reason why I was sent away into Gaul, 
who, I ask again, does not plainly perceive the intention of 
the Emperor, and the murderous spirit of the Eusebians, 
and that the Emperor did this in order to prevent their 
forming some more desperate scheme? for he listened to them 
with a sincere purpose k . Such were the practices of the 
Eusebians, and such their machinations against me. Who 
that has witnessed them will deny that nothing has been 
done in my favour out of partiality, but that that great 
number of Bishops both individually and collectively wrote 
as they did in my behalf and condemned the falsehood of 
my enemies justly, and in accordance with the truth ? Who 
that has observed such proceedings as these will deny that 
Valens and Ursacius had good reason to condemn them- 
selves, and to write as they did, to accuse themselves on 
their repentance, choosing rather to suffer shame for a short 
time, than to undergo the punishment of false accusers for 
ever and ever 1 ? 

§. 89. 38. Wherefore also my blessed brothers in ministry, acting 
justly and according to the laws of the Church, while certain 

k Wn*$vrt ykt irXSt. Montfaucon 
in Onomast. (Atban. t. 2. ad calc.) 
points out some passages in his author, 
where Wmmvui like &r«*#vf*r, means 
"to answer." vid. Apol. ad Const. $. 
16. init Orat. iii. 27 tin. 

1 Here ends the second part of the 
Apology, as is evident by turning back 
to §. 58. (supra, p. 87 tin.) to which 
this paragraph is an allusion. The 
express object of the second part was 
to prove, what has now been proved 

by documents, that Valens and Ursacius 
did but succumb to plain facts which 
they could not resist. It is observable 
too from this passage that the Apology 
was written before their relapse, i. e. 
before A. D. 351, or 352. The remain- 
ing two sections are written after 357, 
as they mention the fall of Liberius and 
Hosius, and speak of Constantius in 
different language from any which has 
been found above, vid. Libr. F. vol. 8. 
p. 90, note p. 

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affirmed that my case was doubtful, and endeavoured toT*. II. 
compel them to annul the sentence which was passed in my 89> — 
favour, have now endured all manner of sufferings, and have 
chosen rather to be banished than to see the judgment of so 
many Bishops reversed. Now if those genuine Bishops had 
withstood by words only those who plotted against me, and 
wished to undo all that had been done in my behalf; or 
if they had been ordinary men, and not the Bishops of 
illustrious cities, and the heads of great Churches, there 
would have been room to suspect that in this instance they 
too had acted contentiously and in order to gratify me. 
But when they not only endeavoured to convince by argument, 
hut also endured banishment, and one of them is Liberius 
Bishop of Rome, (for although he did not endure to the end 
the sufferings of banishment, yet he remained in his exile for 
two years, being aware of conspiracy formed against me,) and 
since there is also the great Hosius, together with the Bishops 
of Italy, and of Gaul, and others from Spain, and from 
Egypt, and Libya, and all those from Pentapolis, (for 
although for a little while, through fear of the threats of 
Constantius, he seemed not to resist them, yet the great 
violence and tyrannical power exercised by Constantius, and 
the many insults and stripes inflicted on him, prove that it 
was not because he gave up my cause, but through the 
weakness of old age, being unable to bear the stripes, that 
he yielded to them for a season,) therefore I say, it is alto- 
gether right that all, as being folly convinced, should hate 
and abominate the injustice and the violence which they have 
used towards me ; especially as it is well known that I have 
suffered these things on account of nothing else but the 
Arian impiety. 

39. Now if any one wishes to become acquainted with my §. 90. 
case, and the falsehood of the Eusebians, let him read what 
has been written in my behalf, and let him hear the witnesses, 
not one, or two, or three, but that great number of Bishops ; 
and again let him attend to the witnesses of these proceed- 
ings, Liberius and Hosius, and their associates, who when 
they saw the attempts made against me, chose rather to 
endure all manner of sufferings than to give up the truth, 
and the judgment which had been pronounced in my favour. 

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Apol. And this they did with an honourable and righteous intention, 
aq. AR * fo r wnat t jj e y suffered proves to what straits the other 
Bishops were reduced. And they are memorials and records 
against the Arian heresy, and the wickedness of the false 
accusers, and afford a pattern and model for those who come 
after, to contend for the truth unto death, and to abominate 
1 x?rr$- the Arian heresy which fights against Christ 1 , and is a fore- 
voL8?p. mnner °^ Antichrist 4 ; and not to believe those who attempt 
6, speak against me. For the defence put forth, and the 
p. 79, sentence given, by so many Bishops of high character, are a 
note q. trustworthy and sufficient testimony in my behalf. 

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[The Circular Epistle which follows was addressed by S. Athanasius to the 
Bishops of his Patriarchate in the beginning of 356, immediately after 
his flight from Egypt on the outrages committed against the Church hy 
Syrianus. Some indeed have referred it to the year 361, with some 
plausibility, on the ground of a passage in §. 22, where he speaks of the 
Arians being " declared heretics 36 years ago and cast out of the Church 
by decree of the whole Ecumenical Council i. e 325. However, if a stop 
is placed after " ago," the former clause may be made to refer to S. Alex- 
ander's condemnation of them, as Montfaucon observes. On the other 
hand it is plainly proved from §. 7, that it was written just as the Arians 
were sending George of Cappadocia to Alexandria, i. e. before Easter 
356, and after Feb. 9, the date of A thanasius's leaving Alexandria. The 
stress too which is laid upon maintaining the Nicene Creed, and the 
notice of the Arian appeal to Scripture, and the respectful language he 
uses of Constantius, all agree with the date 356, if corroboration is 
necessary. There is very little in this Epistle which is not contained in 
his other Treatises, and a considerable portion is of a doctrinal character. 
It was written on occasion of an attempt made by the Arians to seduce 
the Bishops addressed into subscribing one of the specious Creeds of 
which so much is read in the history of the times ; but nothing can be 
gathered of the circumstances from collateral sources. The Treatise 
was formerly put at the head of the Orations against the Arians, and 
numbered as the first of them.] 


1. All things whatsoever our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, ^ j 
as Luke hath written, both did and taught, He did for our vid 
salvation, for which He appeared in the world ; for He came, Actsi, 

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126 Christ warned His followers against false prophets. 

Lett, as John saith, not to condemn the world, but that the world 
T Lib? through Him might be saved. And among the rest we have 
John 3 } especially to admire this instance of His goodness, that He 
^ was not silent concerning those who should fight against us, 
but plainly told us beforehand, that, when those things 
should come to pass, we might straightway be found with 
Mat.24, minds established by His teaching. For He said, There 
24 ' 26 * shall arise false prophets and false Christs, and shall shew 
great signs and wonders ; insomuch that, if it were possible, 
the very elect shall be deceived. Behold, I have told you 
before. Manifold indeed and beyond human conception are 
the instructions and gifts of grace which He has laid up in 
us ; as the pattern of heavenly conversation, power against 
devils, the adoption of sons, and that exceeding great and 
singular grace, the knowledge of the Father and of the Word 
Himself, and the gift of the Holy Ghost. But the mind of 
man is prone to evil exceedingly ; moreover, our adversary 
the devil, envying us the possession of such great blessings, 
goeth about seeking to snatch away the seed of the word 
which is sown within us. Wherefore as if by His prophetic 
warnings He would seal up His instructions in our hearts as 
Lnte2i,His own peculiar treasure, the Lord said, Take heed that no 
8 * man deceive you: for many shall come in My name, saying, 
I am he; and the time draweth near; and they shall 
deceive many: go ye not therefore after them. 

2. This is a great gift which the Word has bestowed upon 
us, that we should not be deceived by appearances, but that, 
howsoever these things are concealed, we should distinguish 
them by the grace of the Spirit. For whereas the inventor 
of wickedness and great spirit of evil, the devil, is utterly 
i /Wxxi- hateful, and as soon as he shews himself is rejected 1 of all 
vol! 8. d * men 5 — as a serpent, as a dragon, as a lion seeking whom he 
p. 53, may seize upon and devour, — therefore he conceals and 
note * covers what he really is, and craftily personates that Name 
which all men desire, so that deceiving by a false appear- 
ance, he may bind fast in his chains those whom he has led 
astray. And as if one that desired to kidnap the children of 
others during the absence of their parents, should personate 
their appearance, and so putting a cheat on the affections of 
the offspring, should carry them far away and destroy them ; 

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Satan pretending to be holy, is detected by the Christian. 127 

in like manner this evil and wily spirit the devil, having noTn.HI. 
confidence in himself, and knowing the love which men 1 ~ 3 * 
bear to the truth, puts on the resemblance thereof, and so 
spreads his poison among those that follow after him. 

3. Thus he deceived Eve, not speaking his own, but artfully §. 2. 
adopting the words of God, and perverting their meaning. 
Thus he suggested evil to the wife of Job, persuading her to 
feign affection for her husband, while he taught her to blas- 
pheme God. Thus does the crafty spirit mock men by false 
appearances, deluding and drawing each into his own pit of 
wickedness. When of old he deceived the first man Adam, 
thinking that through him he should have* all men subject 

unto bim, he exulted with great boldness and said, My handu. 10, 
hath found as a nest the riches of the people; and as one 14 ' 
gathereth eggs that are left, have I gathered all the earth ; 
and there was none that moved the wing, or opened the 
mouth, or 'peeped. But when the Lord came upon earth, 
and the enemy made trial of His human economy, being 
unable to deceive the flesh which He had taken upon Him, 
from that time forth He, who promised Himself the occupation 
of the whole world, is for His sake mocked even by children : 
that proud one is mocked as a sparrow 1 . For now the infant l vid. Job 
child lays his hand upon the hole of the asp, and laughs ^f 4, 
at him that deceived Eve ; and all that rightly believe 
in the Lord tread under foot him that said, / will ascend U.u, 
above the heights of the clouds ; I will be like the Most u * 

4. Thus he suffers and is dishonoured; and although he still 
ventures with shameless confidence to disguise himself, yet 
now, wretched spirit, he is detected the rather by them that 
bear the Sign on their foreheads; yea, more, he is rejected of 
them, and is humbled, and put to shame. For even if, 
now that he is a creeping serpent, he shall transform himself 
into an angel of light, yet his deception will not profit him ; 

for we have been taught that though an angel from heaven ™^Gal. 
preach unto us any other gospel than that we have received, 9 
he shall be accursed. And although, again, he eonceal his §. 3. 
natural falsehood, and pretend to speak truth with his lips ; 
yet are we not ignorant of his devices, but are able to answer 2 Cor. 2, 
him in the words spoken by the Spirit against him; But 11 ' 

128 Satan being hateful in himself pretends to be holy. 

Lett, unto the ungodly, said God, why dost thou preach My laws? 
T LiB.° # and, Praise is not seemly in the mouth of a sinner. For even 
Ps. 60, though he speak the truth, the deceiver is not worthy of credit. 
Ec'clus ^' *^ n( ^ wnereas Scripture has shewn this, when relating his 
15, 9. wicked artifices against Eve in Paradise, so the Lord also 
Job 41, reproved him, — first in the mount, when He laid open the folds 

* vfd. Pt of his breast-plate 1 , and shewed who the crafty spirit was, and 

VOl i78 P rove< ^ ^ at was not one °f *e samts *> DUt Satan that 
?or " was tempting Him. For He said, Get thee behind me, Satan; 
writers f or written, Thou shall worship the Lord thy God, and 
k y \m. 9 Him only shall thou serve. And again, when He put a curb 
Mat. 4, « n tne mout j lg 0 f tne devils that cried after Him from the 

tombs. For although what they said was true, and they lied 
Mat. 8, not then, saying, Thou art the Son of God, and the Holy 
Mark l, O ne °f God; yet He would not that the truth should proceed 
24 « from an unclean mouth, and especially from such as them, 

lest under pretence thereof they should mingle with it their 
3 vol. 8, own malicious devices, and sow 3 them while men slept. 
Dotek. Therefore He suffered them not to speak these words, neither 

would He have us to suffer such, but hath charged us by 
Mat. 7, His own mouth, saying, Beware of false prophets, which 
m * come to you in sheeps* clothing, but inwardly they are 

ravening wolves; and by the mouth of His Holy Apostles, 
l John Believe not every spirit. 

4 ? L 6. Such is the method of our adversary's operations ; and of 
the like nature are all these inventions of heresies, each of 
which has for the father of its own device the devil, who 
changed and became a murderer and a liar from the 
beginning. But being ashamed to profess his hateful name, 
they usurp the glorious Name of our Saviour which is above 
Phil. 2, every name, and deck themselves out in the language of 
9t Scripture, speaking indeed the words, but stealing away the 
true meaning thereof; and so disguising by some artifice their 
false inventions, they also become the murderers of those 
whom they have led astray. For to what benefit do 
Marcion and Manichaeus receive the Gospel while they 

* vol. 8, reject the Law 4 ? For the New Testament arose out of the 

' Old, and bears witness to the Old; if then they reject this, 
how can they receive that which proceeds from it ? Thus 
Paul was an Apostle of the Gospel, which God promised 

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// profits not , to receive part of Scripture, and reject part. 1 29 

afore by His prophets in the holy Scriptures; and ourTn.Hi. 
Lord Himself said, Search the Scriptures, for they are they ^ 3> ll 
which testify of Me. How then shall they confess the 2. 9 
Lord, unless they first search the Scriptures which are^ bn6 > 
written concerning Him ? And the disciples say that they 
have found Him, of whom Moses and the Prophets did John 1, 

7. And to what end do the Sadducees retain the Law, 

if they receive not the Prophets 1 ? For God who gave the 'vid.Pri- 
Law, Himself promised in the Law that He would raise upcomUi. 
Prophets also, so that the same is Lord both of the Law and 6 
of the Prophets, and he that denies the one must of necessity ed. 
deny the other also. And again, how can the Jews receive l725 '* 
the Old Testament, unless they acknowledge the Lord 
whose coming was expected according to it ? For had they 
believed the writings of Moses, they would have believed 
the words of the Lord ; for He said, He wrote of Me. John 6, 


Moreover, what are the Scriptures to Paul* of Samosata, who* v ' 0 \ m Sm 
denies the Word of God and His incarnate Presence*, wm chM 6 .» 
is signified and declared both in the Old and New Testa- » ibid, 
ment? And of what use are the Scriptures to the Ariaus^ 6 ^ 
also, and why do they bring them forward, men who say 
that the Word of God is a creature, and like the Gentiles, 
serve the creature more than God the Creator? Thus each Rom ' 


of these heresies, in respect of the peculiar impiety of its 
invention 4 , has nothing in common with the Scriptures. 4 Wtuimt 
And their advocates are aware of this, that the Scriptures 
are very much, or rather altogether, opposed to the doctrines 
of every one of them ; but for the sake of deceiving the 
more simple sort, (such as are those of whom it is written in 
the Proverbs, The simple believeth every word,) they pretend ^* ov ' 5 
like their father the devil 5 to study and to quote the language John 8, 
of Scripture, in order that they may appear by their words tof* 0rat 
have a right belief, and so may persuade their wretched K. 73,74. 
followers to believe contrary to the Scriptures 8 . p^ 8, 

8. Assuredly in every one of these heresies the devil hasj?ote3. 
thus disguised himself, and has suggested to them words p . i89. 
ftdl of craftiness. The Lord spake concerning them, that 
there shall arise false Christs and false prophets, so *Aa/Mat.24, 
they shall deceive many. Accordingly the Devil has come, 


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180 All heresies agree to lie, but in nothing else. 

Lett, speaking by each and saying, " I am Christ, and the truth 

*Lib? * s w * tn me an( ^ ne ^ as ma( ^ e tnem > one and all, to be 
liars like himself. And strange it is, that while all 
heresies are at variance with one another concerning the 
mischievous inventions which each has framed, they are 
1 vol. 8, united together only by the common purpose of lying 1 . For 
lotell they have one and the same father that has sown in them all 
^ d * t .. the seeds of falsehood. Wherefore the faithful Christian 
$*18. and true disciple of the Gospel, having grace to discern 
spiritual things, and having built the house of his faith upon 
a rock, stands continually firm and secure from their deceits. 
But the simple person, as I said before, that is not 
thoroughly grounded in knowledge, such an one, con- 
sidering only the words that are spoken and not perceiving 
9 p. 134, their meaning 2 , is immediately drawn away by their wiles. 
Wherefore it is good and needful for us to pray that we may 
receive the gift of discerning spirits, so that every one may- 
know, according to the precept of John, whom he ought to 
reject and whom to receive as friends and of the same faith. 
Now one might write at great length concerning these 
things, if one desired to go into details respecting them; 
for the impiety and perverseness of heresies will appear to 
be manifold and various, and the craft of the deceivers to be 
very terrible. But since holy Scripture is of all things most 
3 vol. 8, sufficient 3 for us, therefore recommending to those who desire 
J'f 1 ' to know more of these matters, to read the Divine word, I now 
hasten to set before you that which most claims attention, 
and for the sake of which principally I have written these 

§. 5. 9. I have heard during my sojourn in these parts 4 , (and they 
leRtine" were true an( ^ ortno ^ ox brethren that informed me,) that 
Tillem. certain professors of Arian opinions have met together, and 
P?*i86. nave drawn up a confession of faith to their own liking, and 
that they intend to send word to you, that you must either 
subscribe to what pleases them, or rather to what the Devil 
has inspired them with, or in case of refusal must suffer 
banishment. They have indeed already begun to molest 
the Bishops of these parts ; and thereby have plainly 
manifested their disposition. For inasmuch as they have 
framed this document only for the purpose of inflicting 

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Attempt of Avians to substitute a Creed for the Nicene. 131 

banishment or other punishments, what does such con-TR.iii. 
duct prove them to be, but enemies of the Christians, 6> 6 ' 
and friends of the Devil and his angels ? and especially, 
since they spread abroad what they like contrary to the 
mind of that gracious Prince, our most religious Emperor 
Constantius 1 . And this they do with great craftiness, and, as 1 vol. 8, 
appears to me, chiefly with two ends in view ; first, that by Jotep. 
obtaining your subscriptions, they may seem to remove the 
evil repute that rests upon the name of Arius, and may 
escape notice themselves as if not professing his opinions ; 
and again, that by putting forth these statements they may 
cast a shade over the Council of Nicaea 2 , and the confession 8 ibid, 
of faith which was then put forth against the Arian heresy. no ^ e 

10. But this proceeding does but prove the more plainly 
their own maliciousness and heterodoxy. For had they 
believed aright, they would have been satisfied with the 
confession put forth at Nicaea by the whole Ecumenic 33 ibid. 
Council ; and had they considered themselves calumniated nottfo, 
and falsely called Arians, they ought not to have been so de Svn - 

f , . . . , passim. 

eager to innovate upon what was written against Anus, lest 
what was directed against him might seem to be aimed at 
them also. This however is not the course they pursue, but 
they conduct the struggle in their own behalf, just as if they 
were Arius. Observe how entirely they disregard the truth, 
and how every thing they say and do is for the sake of the 
Arian heresy. For in that they dare to question those 
sound definitions of the faith, and take upon themselves to 
produce others contrary to them, what else do they but 
accuse the Fathers, and stand up in defence of that heresy 
which they opposed and protested against ? And what they 
now write proceeds not from any regard for the truth, as I 
said before, rather they do it as in mockery and by an 
artifice, for the purpose of deceiving men ; that by sending 
about their letters they may engage the ears of the people to 
listen to these notions, and so put off the time when they 
will be brought to trial ; and that by concealing their impiety 4 * p. 35, 
from observation, they may have room to extend their heresy, r " 1# 
which like a gangrene eats its way every where. jj Tim. 

11. Accordingly they disturb and disorder every thing, and | q 
yet are never satisfied with their own proceedings. For 

k 2 

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132 Rejecting the truth, they wander from lie to lie. 

Lett, every year, as if they were going to draw up a contract, they 
T £ib? meet together and pretend to write about the faith, whereby 
they expose themselves the more to ridicule and disgrace, 
because their expositions are rejected, not by others, but 
1 vol.8, by themselves 1 . For had they had any confidence in their 
note c. previous statements, they would not have desired to draw up 
others; nor again, rejecting these last, would they now have 
set down the one in question, which no doubt true to their 
custom, they will again alter, after a very short interval, and 
as soon as they shall find a pretence for their customary plotting 
against certain persons. For when they have a design 
against any, then it is that they make a great shew of writing 
about the faith ; that, as Pilate washed his hands, so they by 
a like proceeding may destroy those who rightly believe in 
Christ, hoping that, as making definitions about the faith, they 
will appear, as I have repeatedly said, to be free from the 
charge of false doctrine. 

12. But they will not be able to hide themselves, nor to 
* ^ id ' escape ; for they continually become their own accusers* even 
noteo. while they defend themselves. Justly so, since instead of 
answering those who bring proof against them, they do but 
persuade themselves to believe whatever they wish. And 
when is an acquittal obtained, upon the criminal becoming 
his own judge? Hence it is that they are always writing, 
and always altering their own previous statements, and thus 
» ibid. th ev s hew an uncertain faith 5 , or rather a manifest unbelief 
notek. and perverseness. And this, it appears to me, must needs 
note L De the case with them ; for since, having fallen away from 
the truth, and desiring to overthrow that sound confession 
of faith which was drawn up at Nicaea, they have, in the 
Jer. u, language 0 f Scripture, loved to wander, and have not refrained 
their feet; therefore, like Jerusalem of old, they labour and 
toil in these their changes, sometimes writing one thing, and 
4 xc***+- sometimes another, but only for the sake of gaining time, 
134. §. 8 and that they may continue enemies of Christ 4 , and deceivers 
1^, £3. of mankind. 

§. 7. 13. Who then, that has any real regard for truth, will be 
^ u ^'|; willing to suffer these men any longer? who will not justly 
ycLs. p. reject their expositions? who will not denounce their auda- 
iy, that being but few 6 in number, they would have their 

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The Eusebians really Avians . 133 

decisions to prevail over every thing, and as desiring 
supremacy of their own meetings, held in corners and — - — 
suspicious in their circumstances, would forcibly cancel the 
decrees of an uncorrupt, pure, and Ecumenic Council? 
Men who have been promoted by the Eusebians for ad- 
vocating this Antichristian heresy, venture to define articles 
of faith, and while they ought to be brought to judgment 
as criminals, like Caiaphas, they take upon themselves to 
judge. They compose a Thalia 1 , and would have it received 1 vol. 8. 
as a standard of faith, while they are not yet themselves p ' 94,&c " 
determined what they believe. 

14. Who does not know that Secundus 8 of Pentapolis, who 2 ibid.p P . 

88 89 

was several times degraded long ago, was received by them gU p r p 
for the sake of the Arian fanaticism; and that George 3 nowJ4. 
of Laodicea, and Leontius the Eunuch, and before him Ste- 25?note 
pbanus, and Theodoras of Heraclea 4 , were promoted by them? J* 
Ursacius and Valens also, who from the first were instructed yTw! 
by Arius as young men 5 , though they had been formerly 5 supr. 
degraded from the Priesthood, afterwards got the title of£otem. 
Bishops on account of their impiety; as did also Acacius, 
Patrophilus 6 , and Narcissus, who have been most forward in 6 omitted 
all manner of impiety. These were degraded in the great rightly 
Council of Sardica; Eustathius also now of Sebastea, Demo- ( ? ) 6 8 «P r « 
philus and Germinius 7 , Eudoxius and Basil, who are sup- ? "vol.'s. 
porters of that impiety, were advanced in the same manner, gg* 85 > 
Of Cecropius 8 , and him they call Auxentius, and of Epictetus 9s of Nico- 
the stage-player, it were superfluous for me to speak, since it J 0 ^ 1 ** 
is manifest to all men, in what manner, on what pretexts, and Hist 
by what enemies of ours these were promoted, that they might 74°^ 
play their false charges against the orthodox Bishops who 
were the objects of their designs. For although they resided 
at the distance of eighty posts 10 , and were unknown to the'°supr. 
people, yet on the ground of their impiety they were able to ^te°h. 
procure for themselves the title of Bishop. For the same 
reason also they have now 11 hired one George of Cappadocia, 11 p. 125. 
whom they wish to impose upon you. But no respect is due 
to him any more than to the rest; for there is a report in 
these parts that he is not even a Christian, but is devoted to 
the worship of idols ; and he has a hangman's temper l2 . And 18 ™\. 8. 
this person, such as he is described to be, they have taken % 0 tef! 

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184 JVordsbad 9 thoughScripturalyWhichproceed/rom badmen, 

Lett, into their ranks, that they may be able to injure, to plunder, 
T Lib.° ana< to s ^ a y 5 *° r m ^ese things he is a great proficient, but 

is ignorant of the very principles of the Christian faith. 
§. 8. 15. Such are the machinations of these men against the 
truth : but their designs are manifest to all the world, though 
they attempt in ten thousand ways, like eels, to elude the 
grasp, and to escape detection as enemies of Christ. Where- 
fore I beseech you, let no one among you be deceived, no 
one seduced by them; rather, considering that a sort of 
judaical impiety is invading the Christian faith, be ye all 
zealous for the Lord ; hold fast, every one, the faith we 
have received from the Fathers, which they who assembled 
1 vol. 8, at Nicaea recorded in writing 1 , and endure not those who 
note 9 p. endeavour to innovate thereon. And however they may 
quote phrases out of the Scripture, endure not their com- 
positions; however they may speak the language of the 
orthodox, yet attend not to what they say ; for they speak 
not with an upright mind, but putting on such language like 
sheeps' clothing, in their hearts they think with Arius, after 
*supr. the manner of the devil 2 who is the author of all heresies. 
P- 129 - F or he too made use of the words of Scripture, but was put 
to silence by our Saviour. For if he had indeed meant them 
as he used them, he would not have fallen from heaven; but 
3 Cypr. now having fallen through his pride 3 , he artfully dissembles 
tr'p a 24, m hi s speech, and oftentimes maliciously endeavours to 
note a. i ea( j men astray by the subtleties and sophistries of the 

<vol. 8, 16. Had these expositions of theirs proceeded from the 
not/m. orthodox 4 , from such as the great Confessor Hosius, and Maxi- 

5 supr. minus 5 of Gaul, or his successor, or from such as Philogonius 
r. 2. ' and Eustathius 6 , Bishops of the East 7 , or Julius and Liberius 

6 at Ni- 0 f Rome, or Cyriacus of Mysia 8 , or Pistus and Aristaeus of 

csBa as m 

most of Greece, or Silvester and Protogenes of Dacia, or Leontius 
others. an( * Eupsychius of Cappadocia, or Cecilian of Africa, or 

7 i. e. of Eustorgius of Italy, or Capito of Sicily, or Macarius of 
« of Pa- Jerusalem, or Alexander of Constantinople, or Pederos of 
SSeont Heraclea, or those great Bishops Meletius, Basil, and Lon- 
in Nest, gianus, and the rest from Armenia and Pontus, or Lupus and 
[el!. 560 'Amphion from Cilicia, or James and the rest from Meso- 
Can.] potamia, or our own blessed Alexander, with others of the 

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for they do but serve as their cloak. 135 
same sentiments as these; — there would then have beenTR.m. 

8 9 

nothing to suspect in their statements, for the minds of — 
apostolical men are sincere and incapable of fraud. But §. 9. 
when they proceed from those who are hired to advocate the 
cause of heresy, and since, according to the divine proverb, 
The words of the wicked are to lie in wait, and The mouth o/*Prov. 

12 6 

the wicked poureth out evil things, and The counsels of the \$ 28, 
wicked are deceit: it becomes us to watch and be sober, 12 ' 6, 
brethren, as the Lord has said, lest any deception arise from 
subtlety of speech and craftiness; lest any one come and 
pretend to say, * I preach Christ,' and after a little while he 
be found to be Antichrist. These indeed are Antichrists, 
whosoever come to you in the cause of the Arian fanaticism. 

17. For what defect is there among you, that any one need 
to come to you from without ? Or, of what do the Churches 
of Egypt and Libya and Alexandria stand so much in need, 
that these men should make a purchase 1 of the Episcopate as 
of wood and goods, and intrude into Churches which do not§. 28." 
belong to them ? Who is not aware, who does not perceive 
clearly, that they do all this in order to support their impiety? §. 73, 
Wherefore although they should make themselves mute, or 8upr ' 
although they should bind on their garments larger borders 
than the Pharisees, and pour themselves forth in long 
speeches, and practise the tones of their voice 8 , they ought 
not to be believed; for it is not the mode of speaking, but Ep. 223, 
the intentions of the heart and a godly conversation that 3, 
recommend the faithful Christian. And thus the Sadducees 
and Herodians, although they had the law in their mouths, 
were put to rebuke by our Saviour, who said unto them, Ye Mat.22, 
do err, not knowing the Scriptures, nor the pawer of God: 
and all men witnessed the exposure of those who pretended jjjjjjj^* 
to quote the words of the Law, as being in their minds heretics 14. 
and enemies of God 3 . Others indeed they deceived by these f£ 94> 
professions, but when our Lord became man they were not John8 > 
able to deceive Him; for the Word was made flesh, who 28. ' 
knoweth the thoughts of men that they are vain. Thus He \**"' 
exposed the evasions of the Jews, saying, If God were your Hipp. 
Father, ye would love Me, for I proceeded forth from f/^jJolt. 
Father, and am come to you*. In like manner these men 16. and 
seem now to act ; for they disguise their real sentiments, and ^%s' 

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136 They ought Jvrst to condemn Arius, if they are to be heard. 

Lett, make use of the language of Scripture in their writings, which 
T Ljb? tne y n °ld forth as a bait for the ignorant, that they may 

inveigle them into their own wickedness. 
§. 10. 18. Consider, whether this be not so. If, when there is no 
reason for their doing so, they write confessions of faith, 
it is a superfluous, and perhaps also a mischievous proceed- 
ing, because, when no question is proposed for consideration, 
they give occasion for controversy of words, and unsettle 
the simple hearts of the brethren, disseminating among 
them such notions as have never entered into their minds. 
And if they profess to clear themselves in regard to the 
Arian heresy, they ought first to remove the seeds of those 
evils which have sprung up, and to proscribe those who 
produced them, and then in the room of former statements 
to set forth others which are sound ; or else let them openly 
vindicate the opinions of Arius, that they may no longer covertly 
»p. 132, but openly shew themselves enemies of Christ 1 , and that all 
r * 4 " men may fly from them as from the sight of a serpent. But 
now they keep back those opinions, and for a pretence write 
on other matters ; just as if a surgeon, when summoned to 
attend a person wounded and suffering, should upon coming 
in to him say not a word concerning his wounds, but 
proceed to discourse about his sound limbs. Such an one 
would be chargeable with utter stupidity, for saying nothing 
on the matter for which he came, but discoursing on those 
other points in which he was not needed. Yet just in the 
same manner these men omit those matters which concern 
their heresy, and take upon themselves to write on other 
subjects ; whereas, if they had any regard for the Faith, or 
any love for Christ, they ought first to remove out of the 
way those blasphemous expressions uttered against Him, and 
then in the room of them to speak and to write sound words. 
But this they neither do themselves, nor permit those that 
desire to do so, whether it be from ignorance, or through 
craft and artifice. 
§.11. 1 9. If they do this from ignorance they must be charged with 
rashness, because they affirm positively concerning things 
that they know not ; but if they dissemble knowingly, their 
condemnation is the greater, because while they overlook 
nothing in consulting for their own interests, in writing about 

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No profit to do right in one way, if tee do wrong in another. 187 

faith in our Lord they make a mockery, and do any thing Tr.11I. 
rather than speak the truth; they keep back those particulars — i^— 
respecting which their heresy is accused, and merely bring 
forward passages out of the Scriptures. Now this is a 
manifest robbery of the truth, and a practice full of all 
iniquity ; and so I am sure your piety will readily perceive 
it to be from the following illustrations. No person being 
accused of adultery defends himself as innocent of theft; 
nor would any one in prosecuting a charge of murder suffer 
the accused parties to defend themselves by saying, * We 
have not committed perjury, but have preserved the deposit 
which was entrusted to us.' This would be mere child's 
play, instead of a refutation of the charge and a demonstra- 
tion of the truth. For what has murder to do with a deposit, 
or adultery with theft? The crimes are indeed related to 
each other as proceeding from the same evil heart; yet in 
respect to the refutation of an alleged offence, they have no 
connection with each other. 

20. Accordingly as it is written in the Book of Jesus the son Josh. 7, 
of Nave, when Achan was charged with theft, he did not 20,&0 * 
excuse himself with the plea of his zeal in the wars; but 
being convicted of the offence was stoned by all the people. 
And when Saul was charged with negligence and a breach of 1 Sam. 
the law, he did not benefit his cause by alleging his conduct 
on other matters. For a defence in one sort will not operate 
to obtain an acquittal in another sort; but if all things 
should be done according to law and justice, a man must 
defend himself in those particulars wherein he is accused, 
and must either disprove the past, or else confess it with the 
promise that he will do so no more. But if he is guilty of 
the crime, and will not confess, but in order to conceal the 
truth speaks on other points instead of the one in question, 
he shews plainly that he has acted amiss, nay, and is con- 
scious of his delinquency. But what need of many words, 
seeing that these persons are themselves the accusers of the 
Ariau heresy? For since they have not the boldness to 
speak out, but conceal their blasphemous expressions, it is 
plain that they know that this heresy is separate and alien 
from the truth. But since they conceal this and are afraid 
to speak, it is necessary for me to strip off the veil from their 


138 Athanasius's apology for uttering Arian statements. 

Lett, impiety, and to expose the heresy to public view, Knowing 
T l/b? as * d° statements which the Arians formerly made, and 

how they were cast out of the Church, and degraded from 
* vol. 8, the Clergy. But here first 1 ask for pardon 1 of the foul 
notec! wor ^ s to which I am about to give utterance, since I use 

them, not because 1 thus think, but in order to convict the 


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1. Now the Bishop Alexander of blessed memory cast Arius §• 12. 
out of the Church for holding and maintaining the following 
sentiments 1 ; " God was not always a Father: The Son was 1 vo1 - 8 - 
not always: But whereas all things were made out of 94,185. 
nothing, the Son of God also was made out of nothing: 
And since all things are creatures, He also is a creature and 
a production*: And since all things once were not, but were 2 
afterwards made, there was a time when the Word of God 
Himself was not ; and He was not before He was begotten 3 , 3 
but He had a beginning 4 of existence: For He was then^s, 
begotten when God determined to produce 5 Him: For HeP-, 2 ^. 
also is one among the rest of His works. And since He is 5 
by nature changeable 6 > and only continues good because He J"** 5r-M 
chooses by His own free will, He is capable of being changed, cfr, vid. 
as are all other things, whenever he wishes. And therefore ™ ^36, 
God, as foreknowing that He would be good, gave Him by note a. 
anticipation that glory which He would have obtained 
afterwards by His virtue ; and He is now become good by 
His works which God foreknew." Accordingly they say, 
that Christ is not truly God, but that He is called God on 
account of His participation in God's nature, as are all 
other creatures. And they add, that He is not that Word 
which is by nature in the Father, and is proper to His 
Substance, nor is He His proper wisdom by which He 
made this world ; but that there is another Word 7 which is 'ibid. 
properly 8 in the Father, and another Wisdom which isfjj^ 1 ' 
properly in the Father, by which Wisdom also He made 
this Word ; and that the Lord Himself is called the Word 
by a fiction 9 in regard of things endued with reason 10 , and is 9 w 
called the Wisdom fictitiously in regard of things endued i*oJat. 
with wisdom. Nay, they say that as all things are in sub-"- 38 - 

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Avian statements. 

Lbtt. stance separate and alien from the Father, so He also is in 
T Lib1* " *H respects separate and alien from the substance of the 
Father, and properly belongs to things made and created, 
and is one of them ; for He is a creature, and a production, 
and a work. 

2. Again, they say that God did not create us for His sake, 
but Him for our sakes. For they say, " God was alone, and 
the Word was not with Him, but afterwards when He would 

1 vol. 8. create us \ then He made Him ; and from the time He was 
" made, He called Him the Word, and the Son, and the 
Wisdom, in order that He might create us by Him. And as 
all things subsisted by the will of God, and did not exist 
before ; so He also was made by the will of God, and did 
not exist before. For the Word is not the proper and 
natural Offspring of the Father, but was Himself made by 
grace: for God who existed before made by His will the 
Son who did not exist, by which will also He made all 

'yufcto things, and produced, and created, and willed them to beV 
Moreover they say also, that Christ is not the natural and true 

Joel 2, power of God ; but as the locust and the cankerworm are 

3 ibid, called a power 3 , so also He is called the power of the Father. 

p. 100. Furthermore he said, that the Father cannot be described by 
the Son, and that the Son can neither see nor know the Father 

* 1 96 # Perfectly and exactly 4 . For having a beginning of existence^ 

p * * He cannot know Him that is without beginning ; but what 
He knows and sees, He knows and sees in a measure pro- 

MWd.p.portionate to His capacity 6 , as we also know and see in 
proportion to our powers. And he added also, that the Son 
not only does not know His own Father exactly, but that 

• Mm He does not even know His own nature 6 . 

§. 13. 3. For maintaining these and the like opinions Arius was 
declared a heretic ; for myself, while I have merely been 

*P^ 138, writing them down, I have been cleansing myself 7 by think- 
ing of the contrary doctrines, and by possessing my mind 
with the idea of the true faith. For the Bishops who all 
assembled from all parts at the Council of Nicaea, stopped 
their ears when they heard these statements, and all with one 
voice condemned this heresy on account of them, and ana- 
thematized it, declaring it to be alien and estranged from the 
faith of the Church. It was no necessity which led the 

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Arguments from Scripture against Avian statements. 141 

judges to this decision, but tbey all by free choice vindicated TrJII. 
the truth': and they did so justly and rightly. For infidelity 13 ' 
is coming in through these men, or rather a Judaism beside 
the Scriptures, which has close upon it Gentile superstition, 
so that he who holds these opinions can no longer be called 
a Christian, for they are all contrary to the Scriptures. 

4. John, for instance, saith, In the beginning was the Word; John 1, 
but these men say, " He was not, before He was begotten." ! " 
And again he has written, And we are in Him that is true, 1 John 
even in His Son Jesus Christ; this is the true God, and 5 ' 20 ' 
eternal life; but these men, as if in contradiction to this, 
allege that Christ is not the true God, but that He is only 
called God, as are other creatures, in regard of His parti- 
cipation in the divine nature. And the Apostle blames the 
Gen tiles, because they worship creatures, saying, They served Jj*»- 1> 
the creature more than God the Creator 1 . But if these men i ro pr . 
say that the Lord is a creature, and worship Him as a crea- 
ture, how do they differ from the Gentiles ? If they hold this p. 191, 
opinion, is not this passage also against them; and does not Doted * 
the blessed Paul write as blaming them? The Lord also 
says, / and My Father are One: and He that hath seen Me, Jobnio, 
hath seen the Father*; and the Apostle who was sent by Him > ibid.' * 
to preach, writes, Who being the Brightness of His ff^ory^^f 
and the express Image of His Person. But these men dareHebfi, 
to separate them, and to say that He is alien from the 3 * 
substance and eternity of the Father; and impiously to 
represent Him as changeable, not perceiving, that by speak- 
ing thus, they make Him to be, not one with the Father, but 
one with created things. Who does not see, that the bright- 
ness cannot be separated from the light 8 , but that it is by 3 ibid, 
nature proper to it, and co-existent with it, and is not p * 48. 

» "Know," Fays St. A than, to Jovian. 
" that these things have been preached 
from the beginning, and this Creed the 
Fathers who assembled at Nicca con- 
fessed, and to these have been awarded 
the suffrages of all the Churches every 

where in their respective places 

And thou knowest that, should there 
lie some few who are in opposition to this 
faith, they cannot create any prejudice 
against it, the whole world maintaining 
the Apostolical Creed. 1 ' Athan. Ep. ad 

Jov. §.2. " Whether it be persecutions 
or afflictions or threats from our sove- 
reign, or cruelties from persons in office, 
....we endured it on behalf of the 
Apostolical faith, &c." Theod. Hist, 
v. 9. vid. Keble on Primitive Trad, 
p. 122. 10. " Let each boldly set down 
his faith in writing, having the fear of 
God before his eyes." Cone. Chalced. 
without fear, favour, or dislike, to set 
out the faith in its purity. 1 ' ibid. p. 286. 

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142 Arguments from Scripture against Arian statements. 

Lett, produced after it ? Again, when the Father says, This is 
T LrB? My beloved Son, and when the Scriptures say that He is the 
Mat.i7, Word of the Father, by whom the heavens were established, 
p g 33 6> and in short, All things were made by Him; these inventors 
John l, of new doctrines and fables represent that there is another 
Word, and another Wisdom of the Father, and that He is 
only called the Word and the Wisdom by a fiction in regard 
of things endued with reason, while they perceive not the 
1 p. 139. absurdity of this 1 . 

§.14. 5. But if He be styled the Word and the Wisdom by a 
8 vol. 8. fiction on our account, what He really is they cannot tell*, 
note u. F° r if tne Scriptures affirm that the Lord is both these, and 
yet these men will not allow Him to be so, it is plain that in 
their impious opposition to the Scriptures they would deny 
His existence altogether. The faithful are able to conclude 
this truth both from the voice of the Father Himself, and 
from the Angels that worshipped Him, and from the Saints 
that have written concerning Him; but these men, as they 
have not a pure mind, and cannot bear to hear the words of 
holy men who teach of God, may be able to learn something 
even from the devils who resemble them, for they spoke of 
Him, not as if there were many beside, but, as knowing Him 
Mark l, alone, they said, Thou art the Holy One of God, and the 
Mat. 8, Son of God. He also who suggested to them this heresy 3 , 
29. while tempting Him in the mount, said not, ' If thou also be 
p. 129, a Son of God,' as though there were others beside Him, but, 
Luke 4 Th° u be the Son of God, as being the only one. But as 
3. ' the Gentiles, having renounced the notion of one God, have 
sunk into polytheism, so these wonderful men, not believing 
that the Word of the Father is one, have come to adopt the 
idea of many words, and they deny Him that is really God 
and the true Word, and have dared to conceive of Him as a 
creature, not perceiving how full of impiety is such an 
opinion. For if He be a creature, how is He at the same 
time the Creator of creatures? or how the Son and the 
Wisdom and the Word? For the Word is not created, 
but begotten ; and a creature is not a Son, but a production. 
And if all creatures were made by Him, and He is also a 
creature, then by whom was He made ? Productions must 
of necessity proceed from some one ; as in fact they pro- 

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Arguments from Scripture against Arian statements. 143 

ceeded from the Word; because He was not Himself aTn.Hi. 
production, but the Word of the Father. And again, if 14 ' 15 ' 
the Wisdom in the Father be beside the Lord, then there 
is a Wisdom in a Wisdom : and if the Word of God be the 
Wisdom of God, then there is a Word in a Word : and if 
the Word of God be the Son of God, then there is a Son 
produced in the Son. 

6. How is it that the Lord has said, 1 am in the Father, §. 15. 
and the Father in Me, if there be another in the Father, by Johni4, 
whom the Lord Himself also was made ? And how is it that 10 * 
John, passing over that other, relates of this One, saying, All John l, 
things were made by Him ; and without Him was not any 3 * 
thing made 1 ? If all things that were made by the will of 1 vol. 8. 
God were made by Him, how can He be Himself one of the notes! 
things that were made ? And when the Apostle says, For Heb. 2, 
whom are all things, and by whom are all things, how can I0 ' 
these men say, that we were not made for Him, but He for 

us ? If it be so, He ought to have said, " For whom the 
Word was made;" but He saith not so, but, For whom are 
all things, and by whom are all things, thus proving these 
men to be heretical and false. 

7. But further, as they have had the boldness to say that 
there is another Word in God, and since they cannot bring 
any clear proof of this from the Scriptures, let them but shew 
one work of His, or one work of the Father that was made 
without this Word; so that they may seem to have some 
ground at least for this their imagination*. The works of the*lr/W# 
true Word are manifest to all, and according to the evidence 

they afford is He known by them. For as, when we see the 
creation, we conceive of God as the Creator of it; so when we 
see that nothing is without order therein, but that all things 
move and continue with order and design, we have an idea 
of a Word of God who is over all and governs all. This too 
the holy Scriptures testify, declaring that He is the Word of 
God, and that all things were made by Him, and without John l, 
Him was not any thing made. But of that other Word, of 3 * 
whom they speak, there is neither word nor work that they 
have to shew. Nay, even the Father Himself, when He says, 
This is My beloved Son, signifies that besides Him there is Mat.i7, 
none other. 

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144 Avians parallel to the Manichees. 

Lett. 8. It appears then that so far as these doctrines are con- 
T LrB? cerned, these wonderful men have now joined themselves to 
§. 16. ^ e Manichees. For these also confess the existence of a 
good God, so far as the mere name goes, but they are unable 
to point out any of His works either visible or invisible. 
But inasmuch as they deny Him who is truly and indeed 
God, the Maker of heaven and earth, and of all things 
invisible, they are mere inventors of fables. And this appears 
to me to be the case with these evil-minded men. They see 
the works of the true Word who alone is in the Father, and 
Md.paa-yet they deny Him, and make to themselves another Word 1 , 
OratH. wnose existence they are unable to prove either by His 
39 fin. works or by the testimony of others. Unless it be that they 
have adopted a fabulous notion of God, that He is a com- 
pound being like man, speaking and then changing His 
words, and as a man exercising understanding and wisdom ; 
*iA#y/«»iiot perceiving to what absurdities* they are reduced by such 
3 vol. 8. an opinion. For if God has a succession of words 5 , they 
note 6 g. certainly must consider Him as a man. And if those words 
proceed from Him and then vanish away, they are guilty of 
a greater impiety, because they resolve into nothing what 
proceeds from the self-existent God. If they conceive 
that God doth at all beget, it were surely better and more 
religious to say that He is the Father of One Word, who is 
the fulness of His Godhead, in whom are hidden the trea- 
sures of all knowledge, and that He is co-existent with His 
Father, and that all things were made by Him ; rather than 
to suppose God to be the Father of many words which are 
no where to be found, or to represent Him who is simple in 
« ibid. His nature as compounded of many 4 , and as being subject to 
n 0te y. human passions 5 and variable. 

r rllSS ^" ^ ext ' wnereas ^ e Apostle says, Christ the power of God 
ibid, p.' and the tcudom of God, these men reckon Him but as one 
l Cor l" amon 8 man y powers ; nay, worse than this, they compare 
84. " ' Him, transgressors as they are, with the cankerworm and other 
irrational creatures which are sent by Him for the punish-, ment of men. Next, whereas the Lord says, No one knoweth 
Jobn 6, the Father, save the Son ; and again, Not that any man 
46 ' hath seen the Father, save He which is of the Father; are 
i35 P r 3. not * ese m< *eed enemies of God 6 which say that the Father 

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Arguments from Scripture against Arian statements. 145 

is neither seen nor known of the Son perfectly? If the Lord Tr.III. 
says, As the Father knoweth Me, even so know I the Father, j^j^ 
and if the Father knoweth not the Son partially, are they 15. ' 
not mad to pretend that the Son knoweth the Father only 
partially, and not fully ? Next, if the Son has a beginning 
of existence, and all things likewise have a beginning, let 
them say, which is prior to the other. But indeed they have 
nothing to say, neither can they with all their craft prove 
such a beginning of the Word. For He is the true and 
proper Offspring of the Father, and in the beginning was John J, 
the Wordy and the Word was with God, and the Word was l ' 
God. With regard to their assertion, that the Son knows not 
His own nature 1 , it is superfluous to reply to it, except only 1 
so far as to condemn their madness; for how does not the 
Son know Himself, when He imparts to all men the know- 
ledge of His Father and of Himself, and blames those who 
know Them not ? 

10. But it is written*, say they, Jlte Lord created Me in §. 17. 
the beginning of His ways for His works. O untaught ig™^ 1 / 
and insensate that ye are ! He is called also in the Scrip- Prov.8, 
tures, servant, and son of a handmaid, and lamb, andp s '. n6, 
sheep, and it is said that He suffered toil, and thirst, and 16 &0 ' 
was beaten, and endured pain. But there is plainly a 
reasonable ground and cause 5 , why such representations as 3 vol. 8. 
these are given of Him in the Scriptures ; and it is because p * 22 ' 
He became man and the Son of man, and took upon Him 
the form of a servant, which is the human flesh: for the John 1, 
Word, says John, was made flesh. And since He became 
man, no one ought to be offended at such expressions ; for 
it is proper to man to be created, and bora, and formed, to 
suffer toil and pain, to die and to rise again from the dead. 
And as, being the Word and Wisdom of the Father, He 
has all the attributes of the Father, His eternity, and His 
unchangeableness, and is like Him in all respects and in all V5 8 " 
things 4 , and is neither before nor after, but co-existent with the note e. 
Father, and is the very form 5 of the Godhead, and is the- b '^ 
Creator, and is not created: (for since He is in substance P- 

note e. 

like 6 the Father, He cannot be a creature, but must be the6 ibid . 
Creator, as Himself hath said, My Father worketh hither to,^^ 
and I work:) so being made man, and bearing our flesh, John 5, 

L 17 ' 

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146 If the Avians felt they were right, they would apeak openly, 

Lett. He is necessarily said to be created and made, and to 
T Lib? nave &l ^ e attributes of the flesh ; howsoever these men, 
MDrat. like Jewish vintners, who mix their wine with water 1 , debase 
Hi. §-35. th e Word, and subject His Godhead to their notions of 

also vol. ; J 

8. p. 17. created things. 

11. Wherefore the Fathers were with reason and justice 
indignant, and anathematized this most impious heresy ; 
which these persons are now cautious of and keep back, as 
being easy to be disproved and unsound* in every part of it. 
These that I have set down are but a few of the arguments 
which go to condemn their doctrines; but if any one desires to 
enter more at large into the proof against them, he will find 
that this heresy is not far removed from the Gentile super- 
stitions, and that it is the lowest and the very dregs of all the 
other heresies. These last are in error either concerning 
the body or the incarnation of the Lord, falsifying the truth, 
some in one way and some in another, or else they deny 
that the Lord has come at all, as the Jews erroneously 
suppose. But this alone more madly than the rest has 
dared to assail the very Godhead, and to assert that the 
3 vol. 8, Word is not at all 3 , and that the Father was not always a 
notef. father; so that one might reasonably say that that Psalm 
Ps.53,1. was written against them ; The fool hath said in his heart, 
* ib i84 There is no God 4 . Corrupt are they, and become abominable 
note k! in their doings. 

§.18. 12. "But," say they, " we are strong, and are able to de- 
fend our heresy by our many devices." They would have 
a better answer to give, if they were able to defend it, not 
by artifice nor by Gentile sophisms, but by the simplicity 
of the faith. If however they have confidence in it, and 
know it to be in accordance with the doctrines of the 
Church, let them openly express their sentiments; for no 
Mat 6, man when he hath lighted a candle putteth it under a 
5 vol. 8. bushel 5 , but on a candlestick, and so it gives light to all that 
P*] 93 > come in. If therefore they are able to defend it, let them 
record in writing the opinions above imputed to them, and 
expose their heresy bare to the view of all men, as they 
would a candle, and let them openly accuse the Bishop 
Alexander, of blessed memory, as having unjustly ejected* 
note a! Arius for professing these opinions ; and let them blame the 

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but they follow the pattern of Arius. 147 

Council of Nicaea for putting forth a written confession of Tr.III. 
the true faith in opposition to their impiety. But they will 18> 19 ' 
not do this, I am sure, for they are not so ignorant of the 
evil nature of those notions which they have invented and 
are ambitious of spreading abroad; but they know well 
enough, that although they may at first lead astray the 
simple by vain deceit, yet their imaginations will soon be 
extinguished, as the light of the ungodly 1 , and themselves Job 18, 
branded every where as enemies of the Truth. f' vol 8 

13. Therefore although they do all things foolishly, andp- l93 « 
speak as fools, yet in this at least they have acted wisely, as 
children of this world, hiding their candle under a bushel, Lukei6, 
that it may be supposed to give light, and lest, if it appear, it 8, 

be condemned and extinguished. Thus when Arius himself, 
the author of the heresy, and the associate of Eusebius, was 
summoned through the interest of the Eusebians to appear 
before Congtantine Augustus of blessed memory*, and was*™L 
required to present a written declaration of his faith, the ^ a pf 
wily man wrote one, but kept out of sight the peculiars- 
expressions of his impiety, and pretended, as the Devil did, 
to quote the simple words of Scripture, just as they are 
written. And when the blessed Constantine said to him, 
" If thou holdest no other opinions in thy mind besides 
these, take the Truth to witness for thee; the Lord will 
repay thee if thou swear falsely the wretched man swore 
that he held no other, and that he had never either spoken 
or thought otherwise than as he had now written. But as 
soon as he went out he dropped down, as if paying the 
penalty of his crime, and falling headlong burst asunder in Acts l, 
the midst. 18# 

14. Death, it is true, is the common end of all men, and we §. 19. 
ought not to insult the dead, though be be an enemy, for it 

is uncertain whether the same event may not happen to 
ourselves before evening. But the end of Arius was not 
after an ordinary manner, and therefore it deserves to be 
related. The Eusebians threatening to bring him into the 
Church, Alexander the Bishop of Constantinople resisted 
them; but Arius trusted to the violence and menaces of 
Eusebius. It was the Sabbath, and he expected to join 
communion 3 on the following day. There was therefore a 3 "^- 

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148 The death of Arius has not been a warning to them. 

Lett, great struggle between them ; the Eusebians threatening, 
T Lib? Alexander praying. But the Lord, being judge of the case, 
decided against the unjust party ; for the sun had not set, 
when the necessities of nature compelled him to that place, 
where he fell down, and was forthwith deprived of com- 
munion with' the Church and of his life together. The 
1 /*«««- blessed 1 Constantine hearing of this soon after, was struck 
* tTns with wonder to find him thus convicted of perjury. And 
indeed it was then evident to all that the threats of the 
Eusebians had proved of no avail, and the hope of Arius 
had become vain. It was shewn too that the Arian fanaticism 
2 was rejected from communion* by our Saviour both here and 
* nr " in the Church of the first-born in heaven. 

15. Now who will not wonder to see the unrighteous ambition 
of these men, w r hom the Lord has condemned ; — to see them 
vindicating the heresy which the Lord has pronounced 
excommunicate, (since He did not suffer its author to enter 
into the Church,) and not fearing that which is written, but 
Is. 14, attempting impossible things? For the Lord of hosts hath 
purposed, and who shall disannul it? and whom the Lord 
hath condemned, who shall justify ? Let them however in 
defence of their own imaginations write what they please ; 
Is. 52, but do you, brethren, as bearing the vessels of the Lord, 
and vindicating the doctrines of the Church, examine this 
matter, I beseech you ; and if they write in other terms than 
those above recorded as the language of Arius, then con- 
demn them as hypocrites, who hide the poison of their 
opinions, and like the serpent flatter with the words of their 
lips. For, though they thus write, they have associated with 
^iM^'them those who were formerly rejected 3 with Arius. Such as 
*supr. Secundus 4 of Pentapolis, and the Clergy who were convicted 
P^ 14 g at Alexandria ; and they write to them in Alexandria. But, 
p. 88. what is most astonishing, they have caused us and our 
friends to be persecuted, although the most religious Emperor 
Constantine sent us back in peace to our country and 
Church, and shewed his concern for the harmony of the 
people. But now they have caused the Churches to be 
given up to these men, thus proving to all that for the sake 
of the Arians the whole conspiracy against us and the rest 
has been carried on from the beginning. 

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While they are his friends, in vain their moderate words. 149 

16. Now while such is their conduct, how can they claim Tr.HI. 
credit for what they write ? Had the opinions they have * ' 20 - 
put in writing been orthodox, they would have expunged*' 
from their list of books the Thalia of Arius, and have 
rejected the scions of the heresy, viz. those disciples of Arius, 

and the partners of his impiety and his punishment. But 
since they have not renounced these 1 , it is manifest to all 1 vol. 8. 
that their sentiments are not orthodox, though they write note b. 
them over ten thousand times*. Wherefore it becomes us to 2 ibid. p. 
watch, lest some deception be conveyed under the clothing p ' 81^°* 
of their phrases, and they lead away certain from the true note fc - 
faith. And if they venture to advance the opinions of Arius, 
when they see themselves proceeding in a prosperous course, 
nothing remains for us but to use great boldness of speech, 
remembering the predictions of the Apostle, which he wrote 
to forewarn us of such like heresies, and which it becomes 
us to repeat. 

17. For we know that, as it is written, in the latter times iTim.4, 
some shall depart from the sound faith*, giving heed tol\ hld p 
seducing spirits, and doctrines of devils, that turn from the}$},^3. 
truth; and, as many as will live godly in Christ shall suffer 14.' ' 
persecution. But evil men and seducers shall wax worse^J im - 3 f 
and worse, deceiving and being deceived. But none of these 
things shall prevail over us, nor separate us from the love of 'R om . g, 
Christ, though the heretics threaten us with death. For 35 - 

we are Christians, not Arians 4 ; would that they too, who 4 i^a. 
have written these things, had not embraced the doctrines of J^* 8 ** > 
Arius ! Yea, brethren, there is need now of such boldness of p. 194 
speech; for we have not received the spirit of bondage^ D ' l5 
again to fear, but God hath called us to liberty. And it Gal. 5, 
were indeed disgraceful to us, most disgraceful, were we, on 13 ' 
account of Arius or of those who embrace and advocate his 
sentiments, to lose the faith which we have received from 
our Saviour through His Apostles. Already very many in 
these parts, perceiving the craftiness of these writers, are 
ready even unto blood to oppose their wiles, especially since 
they have heard of your firmness. And seeing that the 
refutation of the heresy hath gone forth from you 5 , and it has 5 v jd. 
been drawn forth from its concealment, like a serpent from ,nf J* , 

p. 151, 

note a. 

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150 To make a stand for the Faith equivalent to martyrdom. 

Lett, his hole, the Child that Herod sought to destroy is preserved 
T Lib? among you, and the Truth lives in you, and the Faith thrives 
among you. 

§. 21. 18. Wherefore I exhort you, having always in your hands 
the confession which was framed by the Fathers at Nicaea, 
and defending it with great zeal and confidence in the Lord, 
be ensamples to the brethren every where, and shew them 
that a struggle is now before us in support of the Truth 
against heresy, and that the wiles of the enemy are various. 
»vid. For a martyr's token lies 1 , not only in refusing to burn 
TheTin incense to idols; but to refuse to deny the Faith is also an 
voo « ... illustrious testimony* of a good conscience. And not only 
, ' those who turned aside unto idols were condemned as aliens, 
but those also who betrayed the Truth. Thus Judas was 
degraded from the Apostolical office, not because he sacri- 
ficed to idols, but because he was a traitor ; and Hymenaeus 
and Alexander fell away not by betaking themselves to the 
iTim.i, service of idols, but because they made shipwreck concerning 
the faith. On the other hand, the Patriarch Abraham re- 
ceived the crown, not because he suffered death, but because 
he was faithful unto God ; and the other Saints, of whom 
Paul speaks, Gedeon, Barak, Samson, Jephtha, David, and 
Samuel, and the rest, were not made perfect by the shedding 
of their blood, but by faith they were justified ; and to this 
day they are the objects of our admiration, as being ready 
even to suffer death for piety towards the Lord. 

19. And if one may add an instance from our own times, ye 
know how the blessed Alexander contended even unto death 
against this heresy, and what great afflictions and labours, old 
man as he was, he sustained, until in extreme age he also was 
gathered to his fathers. And how many beside have undergone 
great toil, in their teachings against this impiety, and now enjoy 
in Christ the glorious reward of their confession ! Where- 
fore, let us also, considering that this struggle is for our all, 
and that the choice is now before us, either to deny or to 
preserve the faith, let us also make it our earnest care and 
aim to guard what we have received, taking as our in- 
struction the Confession framed at Nicaea, and let us turn 
away from novelties, and teach our people not to give heed 

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Coalition, of sordid Meletians with fanatic Avians. 151 

to seducing spirits 1 , but altogether to withdraw from theTR.lII. 

impiety of the Arian fanatics, and from the coalition which 

the Meletians have made with them. l. " ' 

20. For you perceive how, though they were formerly at* 8 °Pg 
variance with one another, they have now, like Herod and §. 22. 
Pontius, agreed together in order to blaspheme our Lord 
Jesus Christ. And for this they truly deserve the hatred of 
every man, because they were at enmity with one another on 
private grounds, but have now become friends and join 
hands, in their hostility to the Truth and their impiety 
towards God. Nay, they are content to do or suffer any 
thing, however contrary to their principles, for the satis- 
faction of securing their several objects; the Meletians for 
the sake of preeminence and the mad 2 love of money, and 9 
the Arian fanatics for their own impiety. And thus by this 
coalition they are able to assist one another in their malicious 
designs, while the Meletians pretend to the impiety of the 
Arians, and the Arians from their own wickedness concur 
in their baseness, so that by thus mingling together their 
respective crimes, like the cup of Babylon, they may carry 
on their plots against the orthodox worshippers of our Lord 
Jesus Christ. The wickedness and falsehood of the Me- 
letians were indeed even before this evident unto all men; so 
too the impiety and godless heresy of the Arians have long 
been known every where and to all ; for the period of their 
existence has not been a short one. The former became 
schismatics five and fifty years ago, and it is thirty-six years 
since the latter were pronounced heretics*, and they were 
rejected from the Church by the judgment of the whole 
Ecumenic Council. But by their present proceedings they 
have proved at length, even to those who seem openly to 
favour them, that they have carried on their designs against 
me and the rest of the orthodox Bishops from the very first 
solely for the sake of advancing their own impious heresy. 

For observe, that which was long ago the great object of 

* This kwtittyf or declaration is that an additional reason for assigning 

ascribed to S.Alexander,(asMontfaucon this Letter to the year 366, is its re- 

would explain it, supr. p. 126.) supr. p. semblance in parts to the Orations 

43. p. 146, r. 6. p. 148, r. 3. p. 149, r. 6. which were written not long after, 
vid/also p. 160. It should be observed 

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152 Meletians assail Athanasius, as his predecessors. 

Lett, the Eusebians is now brought about. They have caused 

T Lib° tne Churches to be snatched out of our hands, they have 
banished, as they pleased, the Bishops and Presbyters who 
refused to communicate with them ; and the laity who 
withdrew from them they have excluded from the Churches, 
which they have given up into the hands of the Arians who 
were condemned so long ago, so that with the assistance of 
the hypocrisy of the Meletians they can without fear pour 
forth in them their impious language, and make ready, as 

» vol. 8. they think, the way of deceit for Antichrist *, who sowed 

note q. among them the seeds 2 of this heresy. 

Vnoteic' ^et tnem nowever dream and imagine vain things. We 
23. know that when our gracious Emperor shall hear of it, he 
will put a stop to their wickedness, and they will not 
Prov. continue long, but according to the words of Scripture, the 
Sept. hearts of the impious shall quickly fail them. But let us, 
i7 K 9 DgS as 1S written, put on the words of holy Scripture, and 
Sept. resist them as apostates who would set up fanaticism 5 in the 
M * 9tm9 house of the Lord. And let us not fear the death of the 
body, nor let us emulate their ways ; but let the word 
of Truth be preferred before all things. I also, as you 
4 supr. all know, was formerly required 4 by the Eusebians either 
p * ' to make pretence of their impiety, or to expect their 
hostility; but I would not engage myself with them, but 
chose rather to be persecuted by them, than to imitate 
the conduct of Judas. And assuredly they have done what 
they threatened ; for after the manner of Jezebel, they en- 
gaged the treacherous Meletians to assist them, knowing how 
'/««««• the latter resisted the blessed 5 martyr Peter, and after him 
f'^^/.the great Achillas, and then Alexander, of blessed memory 6 , 
w,fofr-in order that, as being practised in such matters, the 
4. ' Meletians might pretend against me also whatever might be 
suggested to them, while the Eusebians gave them an 
opening for persecuting and for seeking to kill me. For 
this is what they thirst after ; and they continue to this day 
to desire to shed my blood.. 

21. But of these things I have no care; for I know and am 
persuaded that they who endure shall receive a reward from 
our Saviour ; and that ye also, if ye endure as the Fathers 
did, and shew yourselves examples to the people, and 

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overthrow these strange and alien devices of impious men, Tr.III. 
shall be able to glory, and say, " We have kept the Faith ? \^^ A 
and ye shall receive the crown of life, which God hath 7. 
promised to them that love Him. And God. grant that I 
also together with you may inherit the promises, which 
were given, not to Paul only, but also to all them that have 
loved the appearing of our Lord, and Saviour, and God, and 
universal King, Jesus Christ ; through whom to the Father 
be glory and dominion in the Holy Spirit, both now and for 
ever, world without end. Amen. 

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[This Apology, which was written with a view to delivery in the Emperor's 
presence, (vid. " stretching out my hand," §. 3. " I have obtained a 
hearing," §. 6. also §. 8 init. "I see you smile," §. 16. also §. 22 fin. 
$. 27 init.) is the most finished work of its Author. It professes to answer 
the new charges with which Athanasius was assailed after his return from 
exile upon the Council of Sardica, i. e. between 349, when he was recalled, 
and 356, which is the date of its composition. These charges were, 
1 . that he had influenced the Emperor Constans to act against his brother 
Constantius ; 2. that he had been a zealous supporter of Magnentius, who 
had killed the former ; 3. that he had used a new Church for worship 
without the Emperor's leave ; and 4. that he had refused to leave Alex- 
andria, which he had been forced to do since, and to present himself at 
Court, which he was meditating when he wrote this Apology. Towards 
the end of it, he hears news of his own proscription, which changes his 
intention, and also his feelings towards Constantius, though he preserves 
his respectful tone in speaking of him to the conclusion.] 

1. Knowing that you have been a Christian for many years', 
most religious Augustus, and that you are godly by descent, 
I cheerfully undertake to answer for myself at this time; — for 

* Constantius, though here called a war ; and recommending all to go thence 
Christian, was not baptized till bis last who could not make up their mind to 
illness, A.D. 361, and then by the Arian the Sacrament. Hist. iii. 1. Constan- 
Bishop of Antioch, Euzoius. At this tius, his grandfather, had rejected idol- 
time he was 39 years of age. Theodoret atry and acknowledged the One God, 
represents him making a speech to his according to Eusebius, V. Const i. 14. 
whole army on one occasion, exhorting though it does not appear that he had 
them to baptism previously to going to embraced Christianity. 

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First of the four charges against Athanasius, 155 

I will use the language of the blessed Paul, and make himTn.IV. 
my advocate before you, considering that he was a preacher — 
of the truth, and that you are an attentive hearer of his 

2. With respect to those ecclesiastical matters, which have 
been made the ground of a conspiracy against me, it is suffi- 
cient to refer your Piety to the testimony of the many Bishops 
who have written in my behalf 1 ; enough too is the recantation 1 rcpr. 
of Ursacius and Valens 8 , to prove to all men, that none of f * p pf * 14) 
the charges which they set up against me had any truth in 86 « 
them. For what evidence can others produce so strong, as 
what they declared in writing? " We lied, we invented these 
things; all the accusations against Athanasius are full of 
falsehood 5 ." To this clear proof may be added, if you will 3 not 
vouchsafe to hear it, this circumstance, that the accusers counc. n 
brought no evidence against Macarius the presbyter whUe Milan, 
we were present ; but in our absence *, when they were by Montf. 
themselves, they managed the matter as they pleased. Now,* ^ p ^ 1> 
the Divine Law first of all, and next our own Laws 5 , 5 Const, 
have expressly declared, that such proceedings are of no^^ 1 '"* 
force whatsoever. From these things the piety of your Ma- Montf. 
jesty, as a lover of God and of the truth, will, I am sureV«n«# 
perceive that we are free from all suspicion, and will pro- qu ' 
nounce our opponents to be false accusers. 

3. But as to the slanderous charge which has been pre- §. 2. 
ferred against me before your Grace, respecting correspond- 
ence with the most pious Augustus, your brother Constans b , 

of blessed and everlasting memory, (for my enemies report this 
of me, and have ventured to assert it in writing,) the result of 
their former 7 accusation is sufficient to prove this also to be* yid. 
untrue. Had it been alleged by another set of persons, the ^jjjjj 
matter would indeed have been a fit subject of enquiry, but Arian. 
it would have required strong evidence, and open proof in*" 18 *' 
presence of both parties: but when the same persons who 

k Constans had so zealously taken ceasing to exasperate Constans to 

the part of S. Athanasius, as to threaten quarrel with me, had not I with superior 

his brother Constantius with war, if he meekness sustained the attack both of 

did not restore him to his see. vid. the exasperator and the exasperated." 

Lucifer. Op. p. 91. (ed. Ven. 1778.) Theod. Hist. ii. 13. And he says, infra, 

This led to the Council of Sardica. Hist Arian. §. 50. that he only per- 

Constantius complains of A than, in his mitted Athan.'s return for the sake of 

conference with Liberius, as "not peace. 

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156 that he had exasperated Constans against Constantius, 

Apol. invented the former charge, are the authors also of this, is it 
Const. not reasonable to conclude from the issue of the one, the 
falsehood of the other? For this cause they again conferred 
together in private, thinking to be able to deceive your Piety 
before I was aware. But in this they failed : you would not 
listen to them as they desired, but patiently gave me an 
opportunity to make my defence. And, in that you were 
not immediately moved to demand vengeance, you acted only 
as was righteous in a Prince, whose duty it is to wait for the 
defence of the injured party. Which if you will vouchsafe 
to hear, I am confident that in this matter also, you will con- 

1 vid. demn those reckless men, who have no fear of that God, who 
Ecclus. nag comman( j e( j us no i fa S peak falsely before the king l . 

§. 3. 4. But in truth I am ashamed even to have to defend 
myself against charges such as these, which I do not suppose 
that even the accuser himself would venture to make mention 
of in my presence. For he knows full well that he speaks 
untruly, and that I was never so mad, so reft of my senses, 
as even to be open to suspicion of having conceived any such 
thing. So that had I been questioned by any other on this 
subject, T would not have answered, lest, while I was making 
my defence, my hearers should for a time have suspended 
their judgment concerning me. But to your Piety I answer 
with a loud and clear voice, and stretching forth my hand, as 

2 Cor. 1,1 have learned from the Apostle, / call God for a record 
33 upon my soul, and as it is written in the book of Kings, (let 
l Sam. me be allowed to say the same,) The Lord is witness, and 
12, fi. A no i n f e( i i s witness, I have never spoken evil of your 

Piety before your brother Constans, the most religious Au- 
gustus of blessed memory. I have never exasperated him 
against you, as these falsely accuse me. But whenever in 
my interviews with him he has mentioned your Grace, (and 
* Hist, he did mention you at the time that Thalassus* came to Pity- 
22? vid. bkm> and I was staying at Aquileia,) the Lord is witness, 
™P r vP« how I spoke of your Piety in terms which I would that God 
' " would reveal unto your soul, that you might condemn the 
falsehood of these my calumniators. 

5. Bear with me, most gracious Augustus, and freely grant 
me your indulgence while I speak of this matter. Your most 
Christian brother was not a man of so light a temper, nor was 

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whereas he never had had any private interview with him, 157 

I a person of such a character, that we should communicate Tr. IV. 
together on a subject like this, or that I should slander a — — — 
brother to a brother, or speak evil of a king before a king. I 
am not so mad, Sire, nor have I forgotten that divine sen- 
tence which says, Curse not the king, no, not in thy thought; Eccles. 
and curse not the rich in thy bedchamber: for a bird of the 9 
air shall carry the voice, and that which hath wings shall 
tell the matter. If then those things, which are spoken in 
secret against you that are kings, are not hidden, is it not in- 
credible that I should have spoken against you in the presence 
of a king, and of so many bystanders? For I never saw your 
brother by myself, nor did he ever converse with me in private, 
but I was always introduced in company with the Bishop of 
the city, where I happened to be, and with others that 
chanced to be there. We entered the presence together, and 
together we retired. Fortunatian 6 , Bishop of Aquileia, can 
testify this, the father Hosius is able to say the same, as also 
are Crispinus Bishop of Padua, Lucillus of Verona, Diony- 
sius of Leis, and Vincentius of Campania. And although 
Maximinus of Treves, and Protasius of Milan, are dead, yet 
Eugenius who was Master of the Palace d can bear witness for 
me; for he stood before the veil', and heard what we re- 
quested of the Emperor, and what he vouchsafed to reply 
to us. 

e AH these names of Bishops occur tween the Prince and his subjects was 
among the subscriptions at Sardica. managed by the four scrinia, or offices 
supr. pp. 76 — 78. Fortunatian was of this minister of state. .. .The whole 
raised to the see of Aquileia about 344, business was despatched by 148 secre- 
signed the condemnation of Athanasius taries, chosen for the most part from 
at the Council of Milan in 365, the year the profession of the law.... But the 
before this Apology was written, and in department of foreign affairs, which 
357 was the Eusebian tempter in the fall constitutes so essential a part of modern 
of Liberius. Lucillus, Maximinus, and policy, seldom diverted the attention 
Protasius, are in the list of Saints. Maxi- of the master of the offices; his mind 
minus will be mentioned just below, was more seriously engaged by the 
note g. Vincent, who had been the Pope's general direction of ihe pests and 
legate at Nicsea, lapsed at Aries so far arsenals of the Empire." Gibbon, ch. 
as to give up S. Athanasius, but reco- 17. m 
vered himself by refusing to acknow- • «•{ # r»u (tfk$v. The Veil, which in 
ledge the proceedings at Ariminum. the first instance was an appendage to 
Leis is Lauda, or Laus Pompeia, hodie the images of pagan deities, formed at 
Lodi ; Ughelli, Ital. Sacr. t. 4. p. 656. this time a part of the ceremonial of the 

d Or, master of the offices ; one of imperial Court. It hung over the en- 
the seven Ministers of the Court under trance of the Eropeior's bedchamber, 
the Empire; " He inspected the disci- where he gave his audiences. It also 
pliae of the civil and military schools, hung before the secretarium of the 
and received appeals from all parts of Judges, vid. Hofman in voc. Gotho- 
the Empire.. . .The correspondence be- fred in Cod. Theod i. tit vii. 1. 

158 and could not have had, as his wanderings would shew, 

Apol. 6. This certainly is sufficient for proof, yet suffer me never- 
Const. theless to lay before you an account of my travels, which 
will further lead you to condemn the unfounded calumnies 
§. 4. of my opponents. When I left Alexandria, I did not go to 
WcfW-your brother's Court 1 , or to any other persons, but only to 
™l' 9 ' Rome*; and having laid my case before the Church, (for 
p. loo, t n i s was mv on iy concern,) I spent my time in the public 
8 p. 49, worship 5 . I did not write to your brother, except when the 
f"^. Eusebians had written to him to accuse me, and I was 
compelled while yet at Alexandria to defend myself; and 
again when I sent to him volumes f containing the holy 
Scriptures, which he had ordered me to prepare for him. 
It behoves me, while I defend my conduct, to tell the truth 
to your Piety. When however three years had passed away, 
*A.D. he wrote to me in the fourth year 4 , commanding me to 
346, meet him, (he was then at Milan ;) and upon enquiring the 
cause, (for I was ignorant of it, the Lord is my witness,) I 
learnt that certain Bishops * had gone up and requested him 
to write to your Piety, desiring that a Council might be 
called. Believe me, Sire, this is the truth of the matter ; I 
lie not. Accordingly I went to Milan, and met with great 
kindness from him ; for he condescended to see me, and to 
say that he had despatched letters to you, requesting that a 
Council might be called. And while I remained in that 
city, he sent for me again into Gaul ; (for the father Hosius 
was going thither,) that we might travel from thence to 
Sardica. And after the Council, he wrote to me while I 
continued at Naissus", and I went up, and abode afterwards 

f *v*net, a bound book, vid. Montf. S Tillemont supposes that Constans 
Coll. Nov. infr. S. Jerome speaks of was present at the Council of Milan, 
Hilarion's transcribing a Gospel. Tit. at which Eudoxius, Martyrius, and 
Hilar. 35. and himself the Psalter, (inter- Macedonius, sent to the West with the 
pretationemPsalmorum,)adFlorent.Ep. Eusebian Creed, (vid. Libr. F. vol. 8. 
v. 2. and St. Eusebius of Vercell® made p. 111.) made their appearance to no 
a copy of the Gospels, which was extant, purpose. The Bishops principally con- 
as it appears, in the last century, vid. cerned in persuading Constans seem to 
Lami Enid. Apost. p. 678. Mabillon, have been Pope Julius, Hosius, and 
I tin. Ital. t. i. p. 9. Montfauc. Diar. Ital. Maximinus of Treves. Hil. Fragm. 2. 
xxviii. p. 445. Tillemont, ft 8. p. 86.) p. 16. 

considers that Athan. alludes in this h Naissus was situated in Upper 
passage to the Synopsis Scr. Sacr. Dacia, and according to some was the 
which is among his works ; but Mont- birthplace of Constantine. The Bishop 
faucon, Collect. Nov. t. 2. p. xxviii. of the place, Gaudentius, whose name 
contends that a copy of the Gospels occurs among the subscriptions at Sar- 
is spoken of. dica, had protected S. raul of Con- 

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which preclude time or place for the alleged offence. 159 

at Aquileia; where the letters of your Piety found me. AndTn.IV. 
again, being summoned thence by your departed brother, I 4 ~ 6 ' 
returned into Gaul, and so came at length to your Piety. 

7. Now what place and time does my accuser specify, at §. 5. 
which I made use of these expressions according to his 
slanderous imputation ? In whose presence was I so mad as 

to give utterance to the words which he has falsely charged 
me with speaking? Who is there ready to support the 
charge, and to testify to the fact ? What his own eyes have Prov. 
seen that ought he to speak, as holy Scripture enjoins. But 26 ' 8 " 
no; he will find no witnesses of that which never took 
place. But I take your Piety to witness, together with the 
Truth, that I lie not. I request you, for I know you to be a 
person of excellent memory, to call to mind the conversation 
I had with you, when you condescended to see me, first at 
Viminacium', a second time at Caesarea in Cappadocia, and 1 >° . 
a third time at Antioch. Did I speak evil before you even 
of the Eusebians who have persecuted me? Did I cast 
imputations upon any of those that have done me wrong ? 
If then I imputed nothing to any of those against whom I 
had a right to speak; how could I be so possessed with 
madness as to slander a King before a King, and to set a 
brother at variance with a brother? I beseech you, either 
cause me to appear before you that the thing may be proved, 
or else condemn these calumnies, and follow the example of 
David, who says, Whoso privily slandereth his neighbour, Ps. 101, 
him will I destroy. As much as in them lies, they have 5, 
slain me; for the mouth that belieth, slayeth the soul. ButWisd.i, 
your long-suffering has prevailed against them, and given 11, 
me confidence to defend myself, that they may suffer con- 
demnation, as contentious and slanderous persons. Con- 
cerning your most religious brother, of blessed memory *, this*«w 
may suffice : for you will be able, according to the wisdom £2^7' 
which God has given you, to gather much from the little I have 
said, and to perceive that this accusation is a mere invention. 

8, With regard to the second calumny, that I have written §. 6. 
letters to the usurper 1 , (his name I am unwilling to pro- 

stantinople and incurred the anathemas 1 Magnentius, a barbarian by origin, 
of the Eusebians at Philippopolis. Hil. securing the troops who were about the 
Fragm. iii. 27. person of Constans, had taken possession 

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160 The second charge, of corresponding with Magnentius^ 

A pol. nounce;) I beseech you investigate and try the matter, in 
Const, whatever way you please, and by whomsoever you may 
approve of. The extravagance of the charge so confounds 
me, that I am in utter uncertainty how to act. Believe me, 
most religious Prince, many times did I weigh the matter in 
my mind, but was unable to believe that any one could be 
so mad as to utter such a falsehood. But when this charge 
was published abroad by the Arians, as well as the former, 
and they boasted that they had transmitted to you a copy of 
the letter, I was the more amazed, and I have passed 
sleepless nights contending against the charge, as if in the 
presence of my accusers ; and suddenly breaking forth into 
a loud cry, I have immediately fallen to my prayers, desiring 
with groans and tears that I might obtain a favourable 
hearing from you. And now that by the grace of the Lord, 
I have obtained such a hearing, I am again at a loss how I 
shall begin my defence; for as often as I make an attempt 
to speak, I am prevented by my horror at the deed. 

9. In the case of your departed brother, the slanderers had 
indeed a plausible pretence for what they alleged; because I 
had been admitted to see him, and he had condescended to 
write to your brotherly affection concerning me; and he had 
often sent for me to come to him, and had honoured me when 
1 h£fi»- I came. But for the traitor 1 Magnentius, the Lord is wit- 
i # Sanu ness 9 an d His Anointed is witness, I know him not: I never 
12, 5. did know him. What correspondence then could there be 
between persons so entirely unacquainted with each other ? 
What reason was there to induce me to write to such a man? 
How could I have commenced my letter, had I written to 
him? Could I have said, ' You have done well to murder 
the man who honoured me, whose kindnesses I shall never 
forget?' Or, i I approve of your conduct in destroying our 
Christian friends, and most faithful brethren ?' or, ' 1 approve 
of your proceedings in butchering those who so kindly enter- 
tained me at Rome; for instance, your departed 2 Aunt Eu- 
tropia k , whose disposition answered to her name, that worthy 

of Autun in Gaul, where the Emperor great battle of Mursa, and ultimately 

was, and, on the flight of the latter, had dest? oyed himself at Lyons, 

sent a party of horse after him, by whom k Nepotian, the son of Eutropia, 

he was despatched. Magnentius, after Constan tine's sister, had taken up arms 

some successes, was defeated in the against Magnentius, got possession of 

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utterly incredible and absurd. 161 

man, Abuterius, the most faithful Spiral) this* and many other Tit. IV. 
excellent persons?* Is it not mere madness in my accuser f"" 8, 
even to suspect me of such a thing? What, I ask again, could 7 * 
induce me to place confidence in this man ? What trait did 
I perceive in his character on which I could rely ? He had 
murdered his own master; he had proved faithless to his 
friends; he had violated his oath; he had blasphemed God, 
by consulting poisoners and sorcerers 1 contrary to his Law. ^ingh* 
And with what conscience could I send greeting to such a^jfj^ 
man, whose madness and cruelty had afflicted not me only, §• 
but all the world around me? To be sure, I was very greatly 
indebted to him for his conduct, that when your departed 
brother had filled our churches with sacred offerings, he 
murdered him. For the wretch was not moved by the sight 
of these his gifts, nor did he stand in awe of the divine grace 
which had been given to him in baptism : but like a deadly 
and devilish spirit, he raged against him, till your blessed 22 
brother suffered martyrdom at his hands; while he, hence- 
forth a criminal like Cain, was driven from place to place, a Gen. 4, 
fugitive and a vagabond, to the end that he might follow the Hist* 
example of Judas in his death, by becoming his own execu- Ar - §• 7 - 
tioner, and so bring upon himself a double weight of punish- 
ment in the judgment to come. 

10. With such a man the slanderer thought that I had been §. 8. 
on terms of friendship, or rather he did not think so, but like 
an enemy invented an incredible fiction : for he knows full 
well that he has lied. I would that, whoever he is, he were 
present here, that I might put the question to him on the 
word of Truth itself, (for whatever we speak as in the presence 
of God, we Christians consider as an oath 5 ;) I say, that Pvid. 
might ask him this question, which of us rejoiced most in the^jjph. 
well-being of the departed 4 Constans? who prayed for nim^-P- 119 * 
most earnestly? The facts of the foregoing charge prove 4^^'. 
this; indeed it is plain how the case stands. But although <' w 
he himself knows full well, that no one who was so disposed 
towards the departed 4 Constans, and who truly loved him, 
could be a friend to his enemy, I fear that being possessed 

Borne, and enjoyed the title of Au- a number of his adherents, some of whom 
gustus for about a month. Magnentius are here mentioned, 
pot him to death, and his mother, and 


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l62A(hanasius could not write to one who did not even know him. 

A pol. with other feelings towards him than 1 was, he has falsely 
Const, attributed to me those sentiments of hatred which were 

entertained by himself. 
§.9. 11. For myself, I am so surprised at the enormity of the thing, 
that I am quite uncertain what I ought to say in my defence* 
I can only declare, that I condemn myself to die a thousand 
deaths, if even the least suspicion attaches to me in this 
matter. And to you, Sire, as a lover of the truth, I confidently 
make my appeal. I beseech you, as I said before, to inves- 
tigate this affair, and especially to call for the testimony of 
those who were once sent by him as ambassadors to you. 
These are the Bishops Servatius 1 and Maxim us and the rest^ 
with Clementius and Valens. Enquire of them, I beseech 
you, whether they brought letters to me. If they did, this 
would give me occasion to write to him. But if he did not 
write to me, if he did not even know me, how could I write 
to one with whom I had no acquaintance? Ask them 
whether, when I saw Clementius, and spoke of your brother 
• of blessed memory \ I did not, in the language of Scripture, 
1$™$ wet m ^ g arments w ith tears, when I remembered his kindness 
supr. p. of disposition and his Christian spirit? Learn of them how 
159, r.2. anx j ous j was? on hearing of the cruelty of that savage beast, 
and finding that Valens and his company had come by way 
of Libya, lest he should attempt a passage also, and like a 
robber murder those who held in love and memory the 
« p.***- departed 2 Prince, among whom I account myself second to 

§. 10. 12. How with this apprehension of such a design, was there 
not an additional probability of my praying for your Grace ? 
Should I feel affection for his murderer, and entertain dislike 
towards you his brother who avenged his death ? Should I 
remember his crime, and forget that kindness of yours which 
you vouchsafed to assure me by letter should remain the same 
3 pax*- towards me after your brother's death of happy memory 3 , as 
* ,w it had been during his lifetime? How could I have borne to 
look upon the murderer? Must I not have thought that the 

1 SarbatiuB or Servatius, and Maxi- num, vid. Sulp. Hist. ii. 59. vid. also 

mus occur in the lists of Gallic sub- Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc, ii. 5. where 

scriptions at Sardica. The former is however the Bened. Ed. prefers to» 

supposed to be St. Servatius or Servatio read Aravatius, a bishop, as he con* 

of Tungri, concerning whom at Arimi- siders, of the fifth century. 

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He couldnot be false to one brother in ttie presence of another. 1 03 

blessed Prince beheld me, when I prayed for your safety ?Tr. IV. 
For brothers are by nature the mirrors of each other. Where- 9 ~ n ' 
fore as seeing you in him, I never should have slandered you 
before him; and as seeing him in you, never should I have 
written to his enemy, instead of praying for your safety. 
Of this, my witnesses are, first of all, the Lord who ha$ heard 
and has given to you entire the kingdom of your forefathers : 
and next those persons who were present at the time, Felicis- 
simus, who was Duke of Egypt, Rufinus, and Stephanus, the 
former of whom was Receiver-general l ,the latter, Master there; 1 supr. 
Count Asterius, and Palladius Master of the palace, Antiochus \ f gf 2f 
and Evagrius Official Agents™. I had only to say, "Let us 
pray for the safety of the most religious Emperor, Constantius 
Augustus," and all the people immediately cried out with one 
voice, "O Christ, send thy help to Constantius;" and they 
continued praying thus for some time". 

13. Now I have already called upon God, and His Word,§. 11. 
the Only-begotten Son our Lord Jesus Christ, to witness for 
me, that I have never written to that man, nor received 
letters from him. And as to my accuser, give me leave to 
ask him a few short questions concerning this charge also. 
How did he come to the knowledge of this matter ? Will he 
say that he has got copies of the letter ? for this is what the 
Arians have declared till they were weary. Now in the 
first place, even if he can shew writing resembling mine, the 
thing is by no means certain ; for there are forgers, who 
have often imitated the hand 8 even of you who are Kings. 2 

m 1. The Rationales or Receivers, in piywrpt i%u, Tillemont translates, 

Greek writers Catholici,(X«y«rfic«) being *« Master of the camp of Egypt." voL 

understood, Vales, ad Euseb. vii. 10.) 8. p. 137. 3. The Master of the offices 

were the same as the Procurators, or of the palace has been noticed above, p< 

(Gibbon, Hist. ch. xvii. note 148.) who 157, noted. 4- tyittwyfavi) agentes in 

succeeded the Provincial QueBstors in rebus. These were functionaries under 

the early times of the Empire. They the Master of the offices, whose business 

were in the department of the Comes it was to announce the names of the 

Sacrarum Largitionum, or High Trea- consuls and the edicts or victories of 

surer of the Revenue, (Gothofr. Cod. the Empire. They at length became 

Theod. t. 6. p. 327.) Both Gothofr. how- spies of the Court, vid. Gibbon, ch. xvii. 

ever and Pancirolns, p. 134. Ed. 1623. Gothofr. Cod. Th. vi. 27. 
place Rationales also under the Comes n " Presbyterum Erachum mihi suc- 

Rerum Privatarum. Pancirolus, p. cessorem vo.o. A populo acclamatum 

120. mentions the Comes Rationalis est, Deo gratias, Christo laudes ; dic- 

Summarum iEgypti as distinct from turn est vicies terties. Exaudi Christe, 

other functionaries. Gibbon, ch. xvii. Augustino vita ; dictum est sexies 

seems to say that there were in all 29, decies. Te patrem, te episcopum ; 

of whom 18 were counts. 2. Stephanus, dictum est octies." August. Ep. 213* 

supr. p. 

M 2 


Truth the defence of Tlirones. 

.A pol. And the resemblance will not prove the genuineness of the 
Const * etter > unless my customary amanuensis shall testify in its 
favour. I would then again ask my accusers, Who provided 
you with these copies ? and whence were they obtained ? 1 
had my writers 0 , and he his servants, who received his letters 
from tfre bearers, and gave them into his hand. My as- 
sistants are forthcoming; vouchsafe to summon the others, 
(for they are most probably still living,) and enquire con- 
cerning these letters. Search into the matter, as though 
Truth were the partner of your throne. She is the defence 
of Kings, and especially of Christian Kings ; with her you 
Prov. will reign most securely, for holy Scripture says, Mercy and 
20 > 28 * truth preserve the king, and they will encircle his throne in 
righteousness. And the wise Zorobabel gained a victory 
over the others by setting forth the power of Truth, and all the 
4, 41. people cried out, Great is truth, and mighty above all things. 
§. 12. 14. Hud I been accused before any other, I should have 
appealed to your Piety ; as once the Apostle appealed unto 
Caesar, and put an end to the designs of bis enemies against 
him. But since they have had the boldness to lay their 
charge before you, to whom shall I appeal from you ? to the 
Johni4, Father of Him who says, / am the Truth, that He may 
incline your heart unto clemency : — 

O Lord Almighty, and King of eternity, the Father of our 
Lord Jesus Christ, who by Thy Word hast given this 
Kingdom to Thy servant Constantius ; do Thou shine into 
his heart, that he, knowing the falsehood that is set against 
me, may both favourably receive this my defence ; and may 
make known unto all men, that his ears are firmly set to 
Prov. hearken unto the Truth, according as it is written, Righteous 
16 > 13 - Hps alone are acceptable unto the King. For Thou hast 
caused it to be said by Solomon, that thus the throne of a 
kingdom shall be established. 

15. Wherefore at least enquire into this matter, anil let the 
accusers understand that your desire is to learn the truth ; 
and see, whether they will not shew their falsehood by their 

° vid. Rom. xvi. 22. Lucian is St Jerome was either secretary or ama- 

spoken of as the amanuensis of the Con- nuensis to Pope Damasus, vid. Ep. ad 

feasors, who wrote to St Cyprian, Ep. Ageruch. (123. n. 10. Ed. Vallars.) vid. 

16, Ed. Ben. Jader perhaps of Ep. 80. Lami de Erud. Ap. p. 268. 

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Falsehood makes men cowards. 165 

very looks; for the countenance is a test of the conscience, Tr IV. 
as it is written, A merry heart maketh a cheerful countenance, p^ 3 ' 
but by sorrow of the heart the spirit is broken. Thus they 15, 13. 
who had conspired against Joseph were convicted by their ^y^i* 
own consciences ; and the cruelty of Laban towards Jacob 
were shewn in his countenance 1 . And thus you see the M&Vit. 
suspicious alarm of these persons, for they fly and hide^**" 
themselves; but on my part frankness* in making my ,80 F' 
defence. And the question between us is not one regarding iss. ' 
worldly wealth, but concerning the honour of the Church. 
He that has been struck by a stone, applies to a physician ; 
but sharper than a stone are the strokes of calumny ; for as 
Solomon has said, A false witness is a maul, and a sword, Pror. 
and a sharp arrow, and its wounds Truth alone is able to 26 ' 18 " 
cure ; and if Truth be set at nought, they grow worse and 

16. It is this that has thrown the Churches every where §. 13. 
into such confusion ; for pretences have been devised, and 
Bishops of great authority, and of advanced age 5 , have been 8 Hist, 
banished for holding communion with me. However, if^"&^. 
matters stop here, our prospect is favourable through your 
gracious interposition. And that the evil may not extend 
itself, let Truth prevail before you ; and leave not the whole 
Church under suspicion, as though Christian men, nay even 
Bishops, could be guilty of plotting and writing in this 
manner. Or if you are unwilling to investigate the matter, it 
is but right that we who offer our defence, should be believed, 
rather than our calumniators. They, like enemies, are oc- 
cupied in wickedness ; we, as earnestly contending for our 
cause, present to you our proofs. And truly I wonder how 
it comes to pass, that while we address you with fear and 
reverence, they are possessed of such an impudent spirit, 
that they dare even to lie before the King 4 . But I pray y ou >^ p £J' 
for the Truth's sake, and as it is written, search diligently in Hist," * 
my presence, on what grounds they affirm these things, and j^ 6 *' 
whence these letters were obtained. But neither will any of Sept ' * 
my servants be proved guilty, nor will any of his people be 
able to tell whence they came ; for they are forgeries. And 
perhaps one had better not enquire further. They do not 
wish it, lest the writer of the letters should be certain o{ 

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166 The third charge, of using an undedicated Church, 

Apol. detection. For the calumniators alone, and none besides, 
Const, know who he is. 

§7l4T 17. But forasmuch as they have informed against me in the 
matter of the great Church, that a congregation was holden 
there before it was completed, I will answer to your Piety 
on this charge also ; for the parties who bear so hearty an 
enmity against me, constrain me to do so. I confess this 
did so happen ; for, as in what I have hitherto said, 1 have 
spoken no lie, I will not now deny this. But the facts are 
far otherwise than they have represented them. Permit me 
to declare to you, most religious Augustus, that we kept no 
day of dedication, (it would certainly have been unlawful to 
do so, before receiving orders from you,) nor were we led to 
act as we did through premeditation. No Bishop or other 
Clergyman was invited to join in our proceedings; for much 
was yet wanting to complete the building. Nay the con- 
gregation was not held on a previous notice, which might 
give them a reason for informing against us. Every one 
knows how it happened ; hear me, however, with your 
accustomed equity and patience. It was the feast of Easter, 
and an exceeding great multitude of Christians was assembled 
together, such as Christian kings would desire to see in all 
their cities. Now when the Churches were found to be too 
few to contain them, there was no little stir among the 
people, who desired that they might be allowed to meet 
together in the great Church, where they could all offer up 

lfn ?63 * e ^ r P ra ^ ers *° r vour sa fety l - And this they did; for al- 
vol.8, though 1 exhorted them to wait awhile, and to assemble 
p. 169. i n the other Churches, with whatever inconvenience to 
themselves, they would not listen to me ; but were ready to 
go out of the city, and meet in desert places in the open air, 
thinking it better to endure the fatigue of the journey, than 
to keep the feast in such a state of discomfort. 
15. 18. Belieye me, Sire, and let Truth be my witness in this 
also, when I declare that in the congregations held during the 
season of Lent, in consequence of the narrow limits of our 
buildings, and the vast multitude of people assembled, a great 
number of children, not a few of the younger and very many 
of the older women, besides several young men, suffered so 
niuch from the pressure of the crowd, that they were obliged 

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which he did for wan t of room with precedents in his favour. 167 

to be carried home ; though by the Providence of God, none Tr.1V. 
perished. All however murmured, and demanded the use of ~ 
the great Church. And if the pressure was so great during 
the days which preceded the feast, what would have been 
the case during the feast itself? Of course matters would 
have been far worse. It did not therefore become me to 
change the people's joy into grief, their cheerfulness into 
sorrow, and to make the festival a season of lamentation. 

19. And that the more, because I had a precedent in the 
conduct of our Fathers. For the blessed Alexander, when the 
other places of worship were too small, and he was engaged 
in the erection of what was then considered a very large one, 
the Church of Theonas p , held his congregations there on ac- 
count of the number of the people, while at the same time he 
proceeded with the building. I have seen the same thing 
done at Treves and at Aquileia, in both which places, while 
the building was proceeding, they assembled there during the 
feasts, on account of the number of the people; and they 
never found any one to accuse them in this manner. Nay, 
your brother of blessed memory was present, when a congre- 
gation was held under these circumstances at Aquileia. I 
also followed this course. There was no dedication, but 
only an assembly for the sake of prayer. You, at least, I am 
sure, as a lover of God, will approve of the people's zeal, and 
will pardon me for being unwilling to hinder the prayers of 
so great a multitude. 

20. But here again I would ask my accuser, where was it§. 16. 
right that the people should pray? in the desert, or in a place 
which was in course of building for the purpose of prayer ? 
Where was it becoming and pious that the people should 

p S. Epiphanius mentions 9 Churches name. Lamprid. Vit. Alex. Sev. 43. 

in Alexandria. Haer. 69. 2. A than. The Church in question was built 

mentions in addition that of Quirinus. in the Caesareum. Hist Arian. 74. 

Hist. Arian. §. 10. The Church men- There was a magnificent Temple, de- 

tioned in the text was built at the dicated to Augustus, as Wt{Ur*ii§t y 

Emperor's expense ; and apparently on the harbour of Alexandria, Philon. 

upon the Emperor's ground, as on the Legat. ad Caium, pp. 1013,4. ed. 1691. 

site was or had been a Basilica, which and called the Ceesareum. It was near 

bore first the name of Hadrian, then the Emperor's palace, vid. Acad, des 

of Licinius, Epiph. ibid, Hadrian, it Inscript. vol. 9. p. 416. As to the 

should be observed, built in many cities Ceesarean Church, it was begun by 

temples without idols, which were popu- Gregory, finished by George, burnt 

larly considered as intended by him for under Julian, rebuilt by Athanasius. 

Christian worship, and went after his Tillem. vol. 8. pp. 148, 9. 

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168 Better to meet together, than to pray separately. 

Apol. answer, Amen 41 ? in the desert, or in what was already called 
Const. ^ e Lord's house? Where would you, most religious Prince, 
have wished your people to stretch forth their hands, and to 
pray for you ? where the Greeks, as they passed by, might 
stop and listen, or in a place named after yourself, which all 
men have long called the Lord's house, even since the found- 
ations of it were laid ? I am sure that you prefer your own 
place; for I see you smile, and that tells me so. 

21. " But," says the accuser, " it ought to have been in the 
Churches." They were all, as I said before, too small and 
confined to admit the multitude. Then again, in which way 
was it most becoming that their prayers should be made? 
Should they meet together in parts and separate companies, 
with danger from the crowded state of the congregations ? or, 
when there was now a place that would contain them all, 
should they assemble in it, and speak as with one and the 
same voice in perfect harmony ? This was the better course, 
for this shewed the unanimity of the multitude : in this way 
God will readily hear prayer. For if, according to the promise 
Mat. 18, of our Saviour Himself, where two shall agree together as 
touching any thing that they shall ask, it shall be done for 
them, how shall it be when so great an assembly of people 
with one voice utter their Amen to God ? Who indeed was 
there that did not marvel at the sight? Who but pronounced 
you a happy prince, when they saw so great a multitude met 
together in one place ? How did the people themselves re* 
joice to see each other, having been accustomed heretofore 
to assemble in separate places! The circumstance was a 
source of pleasure to all; of vexation to the calumniator 

§.17. 22. Now then, I would also meet the other and only remain-* 
ing objection of my accuser. He says, the building was not 
completed, and prayer ought not to have been made there. 

Mat. 6, g u fc the Lord said, But thou, when thou pray est, enter into 
thy closet, and shut the doors. What then will the accuser 
answer ? or rather what will all prudent and true Christians 
say? Let your Majesty ask the opinion of such: for it is 

Is. 32, 6. written of the other, The foolish person will speak foolishness ; 


4 Bingham, Antiqu. xv. 3. §. 26. Suicer, Thesaur. in voc. Gavanti, 
Tertullian, (O. T. vol. i. p. 214, note n.) Thesaur. vol. i. p. 89. ed. 1 763. 

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Better to pray in a building than in the desert. 169 

but of these, Ask counsel of all that are wise. When theTn.lV. 


Churches were too small, and the people so numerous as they Tpb * 4 ■ 
were, and desirous to go forth into the desert, what ought 1 18. ' 
to have done ? The desert has no doors, and all who choose 
may pass through it, but the Lord's house is enclosed with 
walls and doors, and marks the difference between the pious 
and the profane. Will not every wise person then, as well as 
your Piety, Sire, give the preference to the latter place ? For 
they know that here prayer is lawfully offered, while a suspi- 
cion of irregularity attaches to it there. Unless indeed, no 
place proper for it existed, and the worshippers dwelt only 
in the desert, as was the case with Israel; although after the 
tabernacle was built, they also had thenceforth a place set 
apart for prayer. 

28. O Christ, Lord and true King of kings, Only-begotten 
Son of God, Word and Wisdom of the Father, I am accused 
because the people prayed Thy gracious favour, and 
through Thee besought Thy Father, who is God over all, 
to save Thy servant, the most religious Constantius. But 
thanks be to Thy goodness, that it is for this that I am 
blamed, and for the keeping of Thy laws. Heavier had 
been the blame, and more true had been the charge, had we 
passed by the place which the Emperor was building, and 
gone forth into the desert to pray. How would the accuser 
then have vented his folly against me ! With what apparent 
reason would he have said, " He despised the place which 
you are building ; he does not approve of your undertaking ; 
he passed it by in derision ; he pointed to the desert to 
supply the want of room in the Churches ; he prevented the 
people when they wished to offer up their prayers." This 
is what he wished to say, and sought an occasion of saying 
it; and finding none he is vexed, and so forthwith invents a 
charge against me. Had he been able to say this, he would 
have confounded me with shame; as now he injures me, 
copying the accuser's 1 ways, and watching for an occasion 1 W- 
against those that pray. Thus has he perverted to a wicked 8 upr. 
purpose his knowledge of Daniel's history. But he hasP-* 60 ' 
been deceived ; for he ignorantly imagined, that Babylonian 
practices were in fashion with you, and knew not that you 
are a friend of the blessed Daniel, and worship the same 

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170 Prayers Jirst do not interfere with dedication afterwards. 

Apol. God, and do not forbid, but wish all men to pray, knowing 
Const. ^at tne P ra y er °f ft H tnat y ou ma y continue to reign in 
1 p. 166. perpetual peace and safety 1 . 

& *18 This 1S w ^ at * nave t0 com pl am °f 011 tne P art °f m y 

^' 'accuser. But may you, most religious Augustus, live through 
the course of many years to come, and celebrate the dedica- 
tion of the Church. Surely the prayers' which have been 
offered for your safety by all men, are no hindrance to this 
celebrity. Let these unlearned persons cease such mis- 
representations, but let them learn from the example of the 
Fathers ; and let them read the Scriptures. Or rather let 
them learn of you, who are so well instructed in such 
histories, how that Jesus the son of Josedek the priest, and 
his brethren, and Zorobabel the wise, the son of Salathiel, 
and Ezra the priest and scribe of the law, when the temple 
was in course of building after the captivity, the feast of 
tabernacles being at hand, (which was a great feast and time 
Eer. 3. of assembly and prayer in Israel,) gathered the people 
together with one accord in the great court within the first 
gate, which is toward the East, and prepared the altar to 
God, and there offered their gifts, and kept the feast. And 
so afterwards they brought hither their sacrifices, on the 
sabbaths and the new moons, and the people offered up 
their prayers. And yet the Scripture says expressly, that 
when these things were done, the temple of God was not yet 
built ; but rather while they thus prayed, the building of the 
house was set forward. So that neither were their prayers 
deferred in expectation of the dedication, nor was the 
dedication prevented by the assemblies held for the sake of 
prayer. But the people thus continued to pray ; and when 
the house was entirely finished, they celebrated the dedica- 
tion, and brought their gifts for that purpose, and all kept 
the feast for the completion of the work. 

25. And thus also did the blessed Alexander, and the other 
Fathers. They continued to assemble their people, and when 
they had completed the work they gave thanks unto the 
Lord, and celebrated the dedication. This also it befits you 
to do, O Prince, most careful in your inquiries. The place is 
ready, having been already sanctified by the prayers which 
have been offered in it, and requires only the presence 

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Fourth charge y of his disobeying an Imperial order. 171 

of your Piety. This only is wanting to its perfect beauty. Tr. IV. 
Do you then supply this deficiency, and there make your 18> 19 * 
prayers unto the Lord, for whom you have built this house. 
That you may do so is the trust of all men. 

26. And now, if it please you, let us consider the remaining §.19. 
accusation, and permit me to answer it likewise. They have 
dared to charge me with resisting your commands, and 
refusing to leave my Church. Truly I wonder they are not 
weary of uttering their calumnies, I however am not yet 
weary of answering them, 1 rather rejoice to do so ; for the 
more abundant my defence is, the more entirely must they 

be condemned. I did not resist the commands of your 
Piety, God forbid ; I am not a man that would resist even 
the Quaestor r of the city, much less so great a Prince. On 
this matter, I need not many words, for the whole city will 
bear witness for me. Nevertheless, permit me again to 
relate the circumstances from the beginning ; for when you 
hear them, I am sure you will be astonished at the pre- 
sumption of my enemies. 

27. Montanus the officer of the Palace 1 , came and brought i vid. 
me a letter, which purported to be an answer to one from £^ od 
me, requesting that I might go into Italy, for the purpose of d. 30. 
obtaining a supply of the deficiencies which I thought 
existed in the condition of our Churches. Now I desire to 
thank your Piety, which condescended to assent to my 
request, on the supposition that I had written to you, and 
made provision 2 for me to undertake the journey, and to'supr. 
accomplish it without trouble. But here again I am^ tey ; 
astonished at those who have spoken falsehood in your ears, 
that they were not afraid, seeing that lying belongs to the 
Devil, and that liars are alien from Him who says, / am the JohnH, 
Truth. For I never wrote to you, nor will my accuser be 

able to find any such letter; and though I ought to have 
written every day, if I might thereby behold your gracious 
countenance, yet it would neither have been pious to desert 
the Churches, nor right to be troublesome to your Piety, 
especially since you are willing to grant our requests in 
behalf of the Church, although we are not present to make 

r X#yirrJ, auditor of accounts? vid. Arist. Polit. vi. 8. 
Demosth. de Corona, p. 290. ed. 1823. 

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History of his disobeying it. 

Apol. them. Now may it please you to order me to read what 

Const. Montanus commanded me to do. This is as follows 1 . * * * 

i lost, or 28. Now I ask again, whence have my accusers obtained 

never this letter also? I would learn of them who it was that put it 
intro- * 

duced. into their hands ? Do you cause them to answer. By this 
§. 20. y OU raav perceive that they have forged this, as they did also 
the former letter, which they published against me, with 
reference to the wretched Magnenlius. And being convicted 
in this instance also, on what pretence next will they bring 
me to make my defence ? Their only concern is, to throw 
every thing into disorder and confusion ; and for this end I 
perceive they exercise their zeal. Perhaps they think that 
by frequent repetition of their charges, they will at last exas- 
perate you against me. But you ought to turn away from 
such persons, and to hate them ; for such as themselves are, 
such also they imagine those to be who listen to them; and 
they think that their calumnies will prevail even before you. 
l Sam. The accusation of Doeg prevailed of old against the priests 
22> 9 ' of God : but it was the unrighteous Saul, who hearkened unto 
him. And Jezebel was able to injure the most religious 
l Kings Naboth by her false accusations ; but then it was the wicked 
21 and apostate Ahab who hearkened unto her. But the most 
holy David, whose example it becomes you to follow, as all 
pray that you may, favours not such men, but was wont to 
turn away from them and avoid them, as raging dogs. He 
P«. ioi, says, Whoso privily slandereth his neighbour ', him have I 
|.* x a3 destroyed. For he kept the commandment which says, Thou 
1. Sept! shalt not receive a false report. And false are the reports of 
these men in your sight. You, like Solomon, have required 
Prov. of the Lord, (and believe yourself to have obtained your 
30, 8. desire,) that it would seem good unto Him to remove far from 

you vain and lying words. 
§. 21. 29. Forasmuch then as the letter was forged by my calum- 
niators, and contained no order that I should come to you, I 
concluded that it was not the wish of your Piety that I should 
come. For in that you gave me no absolute command, but 
merely wrote as in answer to a letter from me, requesting that 
I might be permitted to set in order the things which seemed 
to be wanting, it was manifest to me (although no one told me 
this) that the letter which I had received did not express the 

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History of his disobeying «7. 


sentiments of your Clemency. All knew, and I also stated in Tb.IV. 
writing, as Montanus is aware, that I did not refuse to come, 20 "" 22 ' 
but only that I thought it unbecoming to take advantage of 
the supposition that I had written to you to request this 
favour, fearing also lest my accusers should find in this a 
pretence for saying that I made myself troublesome to your 
Piety. Nevertheless, I made preparations, as Montanus also 
knows, in order that, should you condescend to write to me, 
I might immediately leave home, and readily answer your 
commands ; for I was not so mad as to resist such an order 
from you. When then in fact your Piety did not write to me, 
how could I resist a command which I never received? or 
how can they say, that 1 refused to obey, when no orders 
were given me? Is not this again the mere fabrication of 
enemies, pretending that which never took place ? I fear 
that even now, while I am engaged in this defence of myself, 
they may 7 allege against me that I am doing that which I have 
never obtained your permission to do. So easily is my con- 
duct made matter of accusation by them, and so ready are 
they to vent their calumnies in despite of that Scripture, 
which says, Love not to slander another, test thou be cut Prov. 

off. * 2°' ls - 
Jt' Sept. 

30. After a period of six and twenty mouths, when Montanus §. 22. 
had gone away, there came Diogenes the Notary"; but he 
brought me no letter, nor did we see each other, nor did he 
charge me with any commands as from you. Moreover when 
the General Syrianus entered Alexandria, seeing that certain 
reports were spread abroad by the Arians, who declared that 
matters would now be as they wished, I enquired whether he 
had brought any letters on the subject of these statements of 
theirs. I confess that I asked for letters containing your 
commands. And when he said that he had brought none, I 
requested that Syrianus himself, or Maximus the Prefect of 
Egypt, would write to me concerning this matter. Which 
request I made, because your Grace had written to me, 

* Notaries were the immediate at- torn. 3. p. 464. ed. Erfurdt, 1808. Pan- 

tendante on magistrates, whose judg- cirol. Notit p. 143. Hofman tit voc. 

mente, &c. they recorded and promul- Scharf enumerates with references the 

gated. Their office was analogous in civil officers, &c. to whom they were 

the Imperial Court, vid. Gothofred in attached in Dissert. 1. de Notariis Ec- 

Cod. Theod. vi. 10. Amroian. Marcell. clesiae, p. 49. 

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174 Letter of Const an tins to Athanasius. 

A pol. desiring that I would not suffer myself to be alarmed by any 
Const. one > nor attend to those who wished to fiighten me, but that 

I would continue to preside over the Churches without fear. 

It was Palladius, the Master of the Palace, and Asterius Duke 

of Armenia, who brought me this letter. Permit me to read 

a copy of it. It is as follows: 

§. 23. 31. A copy 1 of the letter as follows: 

another Constautius Victor Augustus to Athanasius. 

lation of isnot unknown to your Prudence, how constantly I prayed 
the La- that success might attend my late brother Constans iti all his 
Arian!* undertakings, and your wisdom will easily judge how greatly 
§. 24. I W as afflicted, when I learnt that he had been cut off by the 
treachery of ruffians. Now forasmuch as certain persons are 
endeavouring at this time to alarm you, by setting before 
your eyes that lamentable tragedy, I have thought good to 
address to your Reverence this present letter, to exhort you, 
that, as becomes a Bishop, you would teach the people to 
2 *i£jt*- conform to the established 8 religion, and, according to your 
Tid?«£ f - custom > gi ye yourself up to prayer together with them. For 
w»rif this is agreeable to our wishes ; and our desire is, that you 
inftT§. should in every season be a Bishop in your own place. 
31 - And in another hand:— May divine Providence preserve 
you, beloved Father, many years. 

§. 24. 32. On the subject of this letter, my opponents conferred with 
the magistrates. And was it not reasonable that I, having re- 
ceived it, should demand their letters, and refuse to give heed 
to mere pretences ? And were they not acting in direct con- 
tradiction to the tenor of your instructions to me, while they 
failed to shew me the commands of your Piety ? I therefore, 
seeing they produced no letters from you, considered it 
improbable that a mere verbal communication should be 
made to them, especially as the letter of your Grace had 
charged me not to give ear to such persons. I acted rightly 
then, most religious Augustus, that, as I had returned to my 
country under the authority of your letters, so I should only 
leave it by your command; and might not render myself 
liable hereafter to a charge of having deserted the Church, 
but as receiving your order might have a reason for my se- 

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WJiy Athanasius did not at once obey the Emperor. 175 

cession. This was demanded for me by all my people, whoTB.IV. 
went to Syrianus together with the Presbyters, and the greatest 23 ~~ 25 ' 
part, to say the least, of the city with them. Maximus the 
Prefect of Egypt was also there : and their request was that 
either he would send me a declaration of your wishes in 
writing, or would forbear to disturb the Chujrches, while the 
people themselves were sending a deputation to you respecting 
the matter. When they persisted in their demand, Syrianus at 
last perceived the reasonableness of it, and consented, pro- 
testing by your life (Hilary was present and witnessed this) 
that he would put an end to the disturbance, and refer the 
case to your Piety. The guards of the Duke, as well as those 
of the Prefect of Egypt, know that this is true; the Prytanis 1 1 The 
of the city also remembers the words; so that you willxmem! 
perceive that neither I, nor any one else, resisted your com- vol «8. 
mands. P * 

33. A1J, demanded that the letters of your Piety should be §. 25. 
exhibited. For although the bare word of a King is of 
equal weight and authority with his written command, 
especially if he who reports it, boldly affirms in writing 
that it has been given him ; yet when they neither openly 
declared that they had received any command, nor, as they 
were requested to do, gave me assurance of it in writing, but 
acted altogether as by their own authority ; I confess, I say 

it boldly, I was suspicious of them. For there were many 
Arians about them, who were their companions at table, 
and their advisers; and while they attempted nothing 
openly, they were preparing to assail me, by stratagem and 
treachery. Nor did they act at all as under the authority of 
a royal command, but, as their conduct betrayed, at the 
solicitation of my enemies. This made me demand more 
urgently that they should produce letters from you, seeing 
that all their undertakings and designs were of a suspicious 
nature; and because it was unseemly that after I had 
entered the Church, under the authority of so many letters 
from you, I should retire from it without such a sanction. 

34. When however Syrianus gave his promise, all the 
people assembled together in the Churches with feelings of 
joyfulness and security. But three and twenty days after, 
he burst into the Church with his soldiers, while we were 

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176 Irruption of Syrianm into the Church. 

A pol. engaged in our usual services, as those who entered in 

TO 9 

Const, there witnessed ; for it was a vigil, preparatory to a com* 
Vvufgw munion 1 on the morrow* And such things were done that 
night as the Arians desired and had beforehand denounced 
against us. For the General brought them with him ; and 
they were the instigators and advisers of the attack. This 
is no incredible story of mine, most religious Augustus ; for 
it was not done in secret, but was noised abroad every 
where. When therefore I saw the assault begun, I first 
exhorted the people to retire, and then withdrew myself 
after them, God hiding and guiding me, as those who were 
with me at the time witnessed. Since then, I have remained 
by myself, though I have all confidence to answer for my 
conduct, in the first place before God, and also before your 
Piety, for that I did not flee and desert my people, but can 
point to the attack of the General upon us, as a proof of 
persecution. His proceedings have caused the greatest 
astonishment among all men ; for either he ought not to 
have made a promise, or not to have broken it after he had 
made it. 

§. 26. 35. Now why did they form thfs plot against me, and 
treacherously lay an ambush to take me, when it was in 
their power to enforce the order by a written declaration? 
The command of a King is wont to give great boldness to 
those entrusted with it; but their desire to act secretly, made 
the suspicion stronger that they had received no command. 
And did I require any thing so veiy absurd ? Let your 

'/SftMAiv Majesty's candour decide 8 . Will not every one say, that 
gucn a demand wa £ reasonable for a Bishop to make ? You 
know, for you hare read the Scriptures, how great an 
offence it is for a Bishop to desert his Church, and to 
neglect the flock of God. For the absence of the Shepherd 
gives the wolves an opportunity to attack the sheep. And 
this was what the Arians and all the other heretics desired, 
that during my absence they might find an opportunity to 
entrap the people into impiety. If then I had fled, what 
defence could I have made before true Bishops ? or rather 
before Him who has committed to me His flock ? He it is 
who judges the whole earth, the true King of all, our Lord 
Jesus Christ, the Son of God. 

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Athanasius leaves Alexandria to go to Constantius. 177 

36. Would not every one have rightly charged me withTn.iv. 
neglect of my people ? Would not your Piety have blamed 26 ' 2y * 
me, and have justly asked, u After you had returned under 

the authority of our letters, why did you withdraw without 
such authority, and desert your people?" Would not the 
people themselves at the day of judgment have reasonably 
imputed to me this neglect of them, and have said, " He 
that Jiad the oversight of us fled, and we were neglected, 
there being no one to put us in mind of our duty ?" When 
they said this, what could I have answered ? Such a com- 
plaint was made by Ezekiel against the Pastors of old ; and Ez. 34, 
the blessed Apostle Paul, knowing this, has charged every 2,&c * 
one of us, in the person of his disciple, saying, Neglect not l Tim. 
the gift that is in thee, which was given thee, with the 4 > 14 ' 
laying on of the hands of the presbytery. Fearing this, I 
wished not to flee, but to receive your commands, if indeed 
such was the will of your Piety. But 1 never obtained what 
I so reasonably requested, and now I am falsely accused 
before you ; for I resisted no commands of your Piety ; nor 
will I now attempt to return to Alexandria, until your Grace 
shall desire it. This 1 say beforehand, lest the slanderers 
should again make this a pretence for accusing me. 

37. Considering these things, I did not give sentence against §. 27. 
myself 1 , but hastened ,to come to your Piety, with this my i vo i. 8# 
defence, knowing your goodness, and remembering yourP- 6 > 
faithful promises, and being confident that, as it is written 

in the Proverbs of Scripture, Just speeches are acceptable to p ro v. 
a gracious king 2 . But when I had already entered upon my \ 
journey, and had past through the desert, a report suddenly other- 
reached me', which at first I thought to be incredible, but™*®^ 
which afterwards proved to be true. It was rumoured every 164 - 
where that Liberius Bishop of Rome, the great Hosius of 
Spain, Paulinus of Gaul, Dionysius and Eusebius of Italy, 
Lucifer of Sardinia 3 , and certain other Bishops, with theirs v ^ 
Presbyters and Deacons, had been banished because they^P- 
refused to subscribe to my condemnation. These had been 

* In this chapter he breaks off his which he here records changed his feel- 
Oratorical form, and ends his Apology ings towards Constantius, whom hence- 
much more in the form of a letter, vid. forth he accounted as a persecutor, worse 
however rm kiyv* xa^ot, infr. §. 34, than heathen, because an apostate, vid. 
86 init. «r{w0*»ifr*, §. 36. The events Lib. F. vol. 8. p. 90, note p. 

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178 News comes to him of the general persecution, 

Apol. banished; and Vincentius 1 of Capua, Fortunatian 1 of Aquileia, 
Const. Heremius of Thessalonica, and all tbe Bishops of the West, 
> supr. were treated with no ordinary vigour, nay were suffering 
note°o.' extreme violence and grievous injuries, until they could be 

induced to promise that they would not communicate with 


38. While I was astonished and perplexed at these tidings, 
^rid. behold another report 8 overtook me, respecting them of 
Ar. §§. Egypt and Libya, that nearly ninety Bishops had been 
JJ'yJ' under persecution, and that their Churches were given up 
&c. ' to the professors of Arianism ; that sixteen had been 
banished, and of the rest, some had fled, and others were 
constrained to dissemble. For the persecution was said to 
be so violent in those parts, that at Alexandria, while the 
brethren were praying during Easter and on the Lord's day 
in a desert place near the cemetery, the General came upon 
them with a force of soldiery, more than three thousand in 
number, with arms, drawn swords, and spears ; whereupon 
outrages, such as might be expected to follow so unprovoked 
an attack, were committed against women and children, who 
were doing nothing more than praying to God. It would 
perhaps be unseasonable to give an account of them now, 
lest the mere mention of such enormities should move us all 
to tears. But such was their cruelty, that virgins were 
stripped, and even the bodies of those who died from the 
blows they received were not immediately given up for 
burial, but were cast out to the dogs, until their relatives, 
with great risk to themselves, came secretly and stole them 
away, and much effort was necessary, that no one might 
know it. 

§. 28. 39. The rest of their proceedings will perhaps be thought 
incredible, and will fill all men with astonishment, by reason 
of their extreme wickedness. It is necessary however to 
speak of them, in order that your Christian zeal and piety 
may perceive that their slanders and calumnies against us 
are framed for no other end, than that they may drive us 
out of the Churches, and introduce their own impiety in our 
place. For when the lawful Bishops, men of advanced age, 
had some of them been banished, and others forced to fly, 
heathens and catechumens, those who hold the first places in 

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and of his own proscription. 179 
the senate, and men who are notorious for their wealth, were Tr.iv. 

• 28 29 

straightway commissioned by the Arians to preach the holy — - — - 
faith instead of Christians 1 . And enquiry was no longer 1 Hist 
made, as the Apostle enjoined, if any be blameless; but ac-^pj^* 
cording to the practice of the impious Jeroboam, he who^Sjr.i. 
could give most money, was named Bishop ; and it made no 3, 2. 
difference to them, even if the man happened to be a heathen, 
so long as he furnished them with money. Those who had 
been Bishops from the time of Alexander, monks and ascetics, 
were banished: and men practised only in calumny corrupted, 
as far as in them lay, the Apostolic rule, and polluted the 
Churches. Truly their false accusations against us have 
gained them much, that they should be able to commits^,- 
iniquity, and to do such things as these in your time 2 ; so that^e Syn. 
the words of Scripture may be applied to them, Woe ww/0p°i59.') 
those through whom My name is blasphemed among /A^vid.2 
Gentiles. li!*©?' 

40. These were the rumours that were noised abroad; and§. 29. 
although every thing was thus turned upside down, I still did 
not relinquish my earnest desire of coming to your Piety, but 
was again setting forward on my journey. And I did so the 
more eagerly, being confident that these proceedings were 
contrary to your wishes, and that if your Grace should be 
informed of what was done, you would prevent it for the time 
to come. For I could not think that a righteous king could 
wish Bishops to be banished, and virgins to be stripped, or 
the Churches to be in any way disturbed. While I thus 
reasoned and hastened on my journey, behold a third report 
reached me, to the effect that letters had been written to the 
Princes of Auxumis, desiring that Frumentius u , Bishop of 
Auxumis, should be brought from thence, and that search 
should be made for me even as far as the country of the Bar- 
barians, that I might be handed over to the Commentaries 1 

» Athan. had consecrated Frumentius * That is, the prison. " The official 
for the Ethiopian mission, who had books;" Montfancon (apparently) in 
been already successful in introducing Onomast. vid. Gothofr. Cod. Theod. ix. 
Christianity into the heathen court of 3. 1. 5. However, in xi. 30. p. 243. he 
Auxumis, where he had held the place says, Malim pro ipsa custodii accipere. 
first of Minister, then of Regent The And so Du Cangem voc. and this mean- 
two Princes to whom Constantius writes ing is here followed, vid. supr. p. 26. 
in the letter which is presently to follow where commentarius is translated 
were the King's sons, whom Frumentius " jailor." Apol. contr. Arian. §. 8. 
had first served. 

N 2 

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180 Letter of Constantim against Athanasius 

Apol. (as they axe called) of the Prefects, and that all the laity and 
30N6T. c ^ GT Sy should be compelled to communicate with the Arian 
heresy, and that such as would not comply with this order 
should be put to death. To shew that these were not merely 
idle rumours, but that they were confirmed by facts, since 
your Grace has given me leave, I produce the letter. My 
enemies, who threatened every one with death, frequently 
caused it to be read. 

§. 30. 41. A copy of the letter, 

'pp. 79, Victor 1 Constantius Maximus Augustus to the Alexandrians. 

96, 119, 

Your city, preserving its native spirit and temper, and re- 
membering the virtue of its founders, has habitually shewn 
itself obedient unto us, as it does at this day; and we on our 
part should consider ourselves greatly wanting in our duty, 
did not our good will eclipse even that of Alexander himself. 
For as it belongs to a temperate mind, to behave itself orderly 
in all respects, so it is the part of royalty, on account of virtue, 
permit me to say, such as yours, to embrace you above all 
others; you, who rose up as the first teachers of wisdom; 
who were the first to acknowledge the God, who is 2 ; who 
p * moreover have chosen for yourselves the most consummate 
note y. masters; and have cordially acquiesced in our opinion, justly 
abominating that impostor and cheat, and dutifully uniting 
yourselves to those venerable men who are beyond all admi- 
ration. And yet, who is ignorant, even among those who live 
in the end of the earth, what violent party spirit was displayed 
in the late proceedings ? with which we know not any thing 
that has ever happened, worthy to be compared. The 
majority of the citizens had their eyes blinded, and a man 
who had come forth from the lowest dens of infamy obtained 
authority among them, entrapping into falsehood, as under 
cover of darkness, those who Were desirous to know the 
truth ; — one who never provided for them any fruitful and 
edifying discourse, but corrupted their minds with unprofit- 
able subtleties. His flatterers shouted and applauded him ; 
they were astonished at his powers, and they still probably 
murmur secretly ; while the majority of the more simple sort 
took their cue from them. And thus all went with the stream, 

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addressed to the Alexandrians. 


as if a flood had broken in, while every thing was entirely Tr.i v. 
neglected. One of the multitude was in power; — how can I 30 ' - 
describe him more truly, than by saying, that he was superior 
in nothing to the meanest of the people, and that the only 
kindness which he shewed to the city was, that he did not 
thrust her citizens down, into the pit. This noble-minded 
and illustrious person did not wait for judgment to proceed 
against him, but sentenced himself to banishment as he 
deserved. So that now it is for the interest of the Barbarians 
to remove him out of the way, lest he lead some of them 
into impiety, for he will make his complaint, like distressed 
characters in a play, to those who shall first fall in with 

42. To him however we will now bid a long farewell. For 
yourselves there are few with whom I can compare you: I 
am bound rather to honour you separately above all others, 
for the great virtue and wisdom which your actions, that are 
celebrated almost through the whole world, proclaim you to 
possess. Go on in this sober course. I would gladly have 
repeated to me a description of your conduct in such terms 
of praise as it deserves; O ye who have eclipsed your prede- 
cessors in the race of glory, and will be a noble example both 
to those who are now alive, and to all who shall come after, 
and alone have chosen for yourselves the most excellent guide 
you could have for your conduct, both in word and deed, and 
hesitated not a moment, but manfully transferred your affec- 
tions, and gave yourselves up to the other side, leaving those 
grovelling 1 and earthly teachers, and stretching forth towards 1 «w 
heavenly things, under the guidance of the most venerable 
George 2 , than whom no man is more perfectly instructed contr. 
therein. Under him you will continue to have a good hope Hist, 
respecting the future life, and will pass your time in this J 11 - 27. 
present world, in rest and quietness. Would that all the pa docia, 
citizens together would lay hold on his words, as a sacred 
anchor, so that we might need neither knife nor cautery, for note t 
those whose souls are diseased ! 

43. Such persons we most earnestly advise to renounce their 
zeal in favour of Athanasius, and not even to remember the 
foolish things which he spoke so plentifully among them. 
Otherwise they will bring themselves before they are a,war$ 

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182 Letter of Constantius against Frumentius, 

Apol. into extreme peril, from which we know not any one who will 
Const. De skilful enough to deliver such factious persons. For while 
1 *Wf#» that pestilent 1 fellow Athanasiusis driven from place toplawse, 
being convicted of the basest crimes, for which he would only 
suffer the punishment he deserves, if one were to kill him ten 
times over; it would be inconsistent in us to suffer those 
flatterers and juggling ministers of his to exult against us; 
men of such a character as it is a shame even to speak of, 
respecting whom orders have long ago been given to the 
magistrates, that they should be put to death. But even now 
perhaps they shall not die, if they desist from their former 
offences, and repent at last. For that villain Athanasius led 
them on, and corrupted the whole state, and laid his impious 
and polluted hands upon the most holy things. 

§. 31. 44. The following is the letter which was written to the 
Princes of Auxumis respecting Frumentius Bishop of that 

45. Victor Constantius Maximus Augustus, to iEzanes 
and Sazanes. 

It is altogether a matter of the greatest care and concern 
to us, to extend the knowledge of the supreme God 7 ; and I 
think that the whole race of mankind claims from us equal 
regard in this respect, in order that they may pass their lives 
in hope, being brought to a proper knowledge of God, and 
having no differences with each other in their enquiries 
concerning justice and truth. Wherefore considering that 
you are deserving of the same provident care as the Romans, 
and desiring to shew equal regard for your welfare, we com- 
mand that the same doctrine be professed in your Churches 
as in theirs. Send therefore speedily into Egypt the Bishop 
Frumentius, to the most venerable Bishop George, and the 
rest who are there, who have especial authority to appoint to 
these offices, and to decide questions concerning them. For 
of course you know and remember (unless you alone pretend 

y h rod M{urr$us yvSrtf, vid. rh avnrSt h»u in the Thalia, Oral. i» 5* 

Mjrurrcfm, infr. And so in Anna's Again, r$<pUt \lnynrkt, supr. §. 30. and 

Thalia, the Eternal Father, in contrast t«» ro$t*( fi$r*%$'tr»v, Kmrkw&irmff&h 

to the Son, is called i *{i/<rw, rn in the Thalia, ibid. And rm Vfayn** 9 

**iiTT#»«, de Synod. §. 15. So again, rm &x^eu$ iTWSi, supr. §. 30. and 

Mr r\f hret rvtiitrmf, supr. §. 30. and rovrur umflwt M» in the Thalia. 

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addressed to the Ethiopians. 


to be ignorant of that which all men are well aware of) that Tr. IV. 
this Frumentius was advanced to his present rank by Atha- 31 ' 32 ' 
nasius, a man who is guilty of ten thousand crimes; for he 
has not been able fairly to clear himself of any of the 
charges brought against him, but was at once deprived of his 
see, and now wanders about destitute of any fixed abode, and 
passes from one country to another, as if by this means he 
could escape his own wickedness. 

46. Now if Frumentius shall readily obey our commands, 
and shall submit to an enquiry into all the circumstances of his 
appointment, he will shew plainly to all men, that he is in no 
respect opposed to the laws of the Church and the established 1 1 
faith. And being brought to trial, when he shall have given Jf 
proof of his general good conduct, and submitted an account r * ,# 
of his life to those who are to judge of these things, he shall 
receive his appointment from them, if it shall indeed appear 
that he has any right to be a Bishop. But if he shall delay 
and avoid the trial, it will surely be very evident, that he has 
been induced by the persuasions of the wicked Athanasius, 
thus impiously to act against divine authority, choosing to 
follow the course of him whose wickedness has been made 
manifest. And our fear is lest he should pass over into Au- 
xumis and corrupt your people, by setting before them accursed 
and impious doctrines, and not only unsettle and disturb the 
Churches, and blaspheme the supreme 2 God, but also thereby 9 
cause utter overthrow and destruction to the several nations r " m 
whom he visits. But I am sure that Frumentius will return 
home, perfectly acquainted with all matters that concern the 
Church, having derived much instruction, which will be of 
great and general utility, from the conversation of the most 
venerable George, and such other of the Bishops, as are ex- 
cellently qualified to communicate such knowledge. May 
God continually preserve you, most honoured brethren. 

47. Hearing, nay almost seeing, these things, through the §• 32. 
mournful representations of the messengers, I confess I 
turned back again into the desert, justly concluding, as your 
Piety will perceive, that if I was sought after, that I might 

be sent as soon as I was discovered to the Prefects 3 , 1 should 3 p. 179, 
be prevented from ever coming to your Grace ; and that if 

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184 Athanasius's defence of his flight. 

Apol. those who would not subscribe against me, suffered so 
Const, severely as they did, and the laity who refused to com- 
municate with the Arians were ordered for death, there was 
no doubt at all but that ten thousand new modes of de- 
struction would be devised by the calumniators against me ; 
and that after my death, they would employ against whom- 
soever they wished to injure, whatever means they chose, 
venting their lies against us the more boldly, for that then 
there would no longer be any one left who could expose 
them. I fled, not because I feared your Piety, (for I know 
your long-suffering and goodness,) but because from what 
had taken place, I perceived the spirit of my enemies, and 
considered that they would make use of all possible means 
to accomplish my destruction, from fear that they would be 
brought to answer for what they had done contrary to the 
intentions of your Excellency. For observe, your Grace 
commanded that the Bishops should be expelled only out of 
the cities and the province. But these worthy persons 
presumed to exceed your commands, and banished aged 
men and Bishops venerable for their years into desert and 
unfrequented and frightful places, beyond the boundaries of 
three provinces'. Some of them were sent off from Libya to 
the great Oasis; others from the Thebais to Ammoniaca 
in Libya. 

48. Neither was it from fear of death that I fled; let none of 
them condemn me as guilty of cowardice ; but because it is 
1 vid. the injunction of our Saviour 1 that we should flee when we 
Fug. de are persecuted, and hide ourselves when we are sought after, 
188 P an( * not ex P ose ourse l ves to certain dangers, nor by appear- 
ing before our persecutors inflame still more their rage 
against us. For to give one's self up to one's enemies to be 
murdered, is the same thing as to murder one's self ; but to 
flee, as our Saviour has enjoined, is to know our time, and to 
manifest a real concern for our persecutors, lest if they pro- 
ceed to the shedding of blood, they become guilty of the 
2<r°i3 trans S ress ^ on °f tne * aw > r ^ l0U shalt not kill. And yet these 

1 Egypt was divided into three Pro- Orlendini Orbis Sacer et Prof. vol. i. 

vinces till Hadrian's time, Egypt, p. 1 18. The Province specially spoken 

Libya, and Pentapolis ; Hadrian made of seems to be Egypt, which Augustus 

them four; Epiphanius speaks of them kept in his own hands, vid. supr. p. 5> 

as seven. Hter. 68. 1. By the time of note d. p. 116, r. 1. 
Arcadius they had become eight, vid. 

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Conduct of the Arians towards the consecrated Virgins. 185 

men by their calumnies against me, earnestly wish that ITr.IV. 
should suffer death. iHi^i 

49. What they have again lately done proves that this is their 
desire and murderous intention. You will be astonished, I 
am sure, most religious Augustus, when you hear it; it is 
indeed an outrage worthy of amazement. What it is, I pray 
yon briefly to hear. The Son of God, our Lord and Saviour §. 33. 
Jesus Christ, having become man for our sakes, and having 
destroyed death, and delivered our race from the bondage of 
corruption, in addition to all His other benefits bestowed 
this also upon us, that we should possess upon earth, in the 
state of virginity, a picture of the holiness of Angels. Ac- 
cordingly such as have attained this virtue, the Catholic 
Church has been accustomed to call the brides 1 of Christ. 1 »4«f«f 
And the heathen who see them express their admiration 
of them as the temples of the Word. For indeed this holy 
and heavenly profession is no where established, but only 
among us Christians, and it is a very strong argument that 
with us is to be found the genuine and true religion. Your 
most religious father Constantine Augustus, of blessed 
memory 2 , honoured the Virgins above all other orders, and 2 ^^- 
your Piety in several letters has given them the titles of the 
honourable and holy women. But now these worthy Arians JJJ 1 ^' 
who have slandered me, and by whom conspiracies have ' 
been formed against most of the Bishops, having obtained 
the consent and cooperation of the magistrates, first stripped 
them, and then caused them to be suspended upon what are 
called the Hermetaries 3 , and scourged them on the ribs so 3 a rack, 
severely three several times, that not even real malefactors Tm™ 9 
have ever suffered the like. Pilate, to gratify the Jews °f "J^** 
old, pierced one of our Saviour's sides with a spear. These p. 169 " 
men have exceeded the madness of Pilate, for they have 
scourged not one but both His sides ; for the limbs of the 
Virgins are in an especial manner the Saviour's own. 

50. All men shudder at hearing the bare recital of deeds like 
these. These men alone, not only did not fear to strip and 
to scourge those undefiled limbs, which the Virgins had 
dedicated solely to our Saviour Christ ; but, what is worse 
than all, when they were reproached by every one for such 
extreme cruelty, instead of manifesting any shame, they 

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186 He expostulates with Constantius. 

A pol. pretended that it was commanded by your Piety. So 
Const, utterly presumptuous are they and full of wicked thoughts 
and purposes. Such a deed as this was never heard of in 
Wid. past persecutions 1 : or supposing that it ever occurred 
Arf§.40. before* yet surely it was not befitting either that Virginity 
$• 64 - should suffer such outrage and dishonour, in the time of 
your Majesty a Christian Prince, or that these men should 
impute to your Piety their own cruelty. Such wickedness 
belongs only to heretics, to blaspheme the Son of God, and 
to do violence to His holy Virgins. 
§• 34. 51. Now when such enormities as these were again per- 
petrated by the Arians, I surely was not wrong in complying 
Is. 26, with the direction of Holy Scripture, which says, Hide 
* * thyself for a little moment, until the indignation be over- 
past. This was another reason for my withdrawing myself, 
most religious Augustus ; and I refused not, either to depart 
into the desert, or, if need were, to be let down from a wall 
in a basket. I endured every thing, I even dwelt among 
wild beasts, that your favour might return to me, waiting for 
an opportunity to offer to you this my defence, confident as 
I am that they will be condemned, and your goodness 
manifested unto me. 

52. O, Augustus, blessed and beloved of God, what would 
you have bad me to do ? to come to you while my calumni- 
ators were inflamed with rage against me, and were seeking 
to kill me ; or, as it is written, to bide myself a little, that 
in the mean time they might be condemned as heretics, and 
your goodness might be manifested unto me ? or would you 
have had me, Sire, to appear before your magistrates, in order 
that though you had written merely in the way of threaten- 
ing, they not understanding your intention, but being ex- 
asperated against me by the Arians, might kill me on the 
authority of your letters, and on that ground ascribed the 
murder to you ? It would neither have been becoming in me 
to surrender, and give myself up that my blood might be 
shed, nor in you, as a Christian King, to have the murder 
of Christians, and those too Bishops, imputed unto you. 
§. 35. 53. It was therefore better for me to hide myself, and to wait 
for this opportunity. Yes, I am sure that from your know- 
ledge of the sacred Scriptures you will assent and approve 

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He expostulates with Constant ius. 187 

of my conduct in this respect For you will perceive that, Tr. IV. 

now those who exasperated you against us have been — 

silenced, your righteous clemency is apparent, and it is 
proved to all men that you never persecuted the Christians 
at all, but that it was they who made the Churches desolate, 
that they might sow the seeds 1 of their own impiety every 1 vol. 8. 
where ; on account of which I also, had I not fled, should J 0 ^i. 
long ago have suffered from their treachery. For it is very 
evident that they who scrupled not to utter such calumnies 
against me, before the great Augustus, and who so violently 
assailed Bishops and Virgins, sought also to compass my 
death. But thanks be to the Lord who has given you this 
kingdom. All men are confirmed in their opinion of your 
goodness, and of their wickedness, from which I fled at the 
first, that I might now make this appeal unto you, and that 
you might find some one towards whom you may shew 
kindness. I beseech you therefore, forasmuch as it is 
written, A soft answer turneth away wrath, and, righteous Pnm 
thoughts are acceptable unto the King ; receive this my 
defence, and restore all the Bishops and the rest of the^-P* 
Clergy to their countries and their Churches; so that the 
wickedness of my accusers may be made manifest, and that 
you, both now and in the day of judgment, may have 
boldness to say to our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, the 
King of all, " None of Thine have I lost, but these are they John 
who designed the ruin of all, while I was grieved for those 18 ' 9 * 
who perished, and for the Virgins who were scourged, and 
for all other things that were committed against the Christians; 
and I brought back them that were banished, and restored 
them to their own Churches." 

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[This Apology seems to have heen written A.D. 357 or 358. The 
circumstances which led to it are mentioned in the opening sentences. 
From what he says to Constantius in the foregoing work, p. 177, it might 
almost he said that, in addition to the considerations insisted on in the 
following argument, he considered that the command of the Emperor would 
in itself have heen a sufficient reason for his leaving his Church ; and it was 
because he had not received it, that he had not left it before. Now the 
violence of Syrianus, acknowledged as it was by Coustantius, was of the 
nature of a command. The real reason however was, that, if he had been 
cut off, there was no one to take his place, vid. supr. p. 184.] 

§.1. 1. I hear that Leontius 1 , now in the see of Antioch, and 
§ ^6 Narcissus 8 of the city of Nero, and George 5 , now of Laodicea, 
* vol. 8. and the Arians who are leagued with them, are spreading 
supr. p. abroad many slanderous reports concerning me, charging me 
74, &c. with cowardice, because forsooth, when myself was sought 
by them, I did not surrender myself into their hands. Now 
as to their imputations and calumnies, although there are 
many things that I could write, which they are unable to 
deny, and which all who have heard of their proceedings 
know to be true, yet I shall not be prevailed upon to make 
any reply to them, except only to remind them of the words 
▼id. i of our Lord, and of the declaration of the Apostle, that a lie 
21. 9 °f Me Devil, and that, revilers shall not inherit the kingdom 
iCor.6,^ God. For it is sufficient thereby to prove, that neither 
their thoughts nor their words are according to the Gospel, 
but that after their own pleasure, whatsoever themselves desire, 
that they think to be good. 
§. 2. 9. But forasmuch as they pretend to charge me with coward- 
ice, it is necessary that I should write somewhat concerning this, 

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Insincerity of the Arians in their charge against A than. 189 

whereby it shall be proved that they are men of wicked Tr. v. 
minds, who have not read the sacred Scriptures: or if they — - — 
have read them, that they do not believe the divine inspira- 
tion of the oracles they contain. For had they believed this, 
they would never have dared to act contrary to them, nor 
have imitated the malice of the Jews who slew the Lord. 
For God having given them a commandment, Honour thy Mat. 15, 
father and thy mother, and, He that curseth father or mother, 4 ' 
let him die the death; that people established a contrary 
law, changing the honour into dishonour, and alienating to 
other uses the money which was due from the children to 
their parents. And though they had read what David did, 
they acted in contradiction to his example, and accused the 
guiltless for plucking the ears of corn, and rubbing them in 
their hands on the Sabbath day. Not that they cared either 
for the laws, or for the Sabbath, for they were guilty of 
greater transgressions of the law on that day: but being 
wicked-minded, they grudged the disciples the way of salva- 
tion, and desired that their own private notions should have 
the sole pre-eminence. They however have received the 
reward of their iniquity, having ceased to be an holy nation, 
and being counted henceforth as the rulers of Sodom, and 
as the people of Gomorrah. 

3. And these men likewise, not less than they, seem to me to 
have received their punishment already in the ignorance with 
which their own folly possesses them. For they understand 
not what they say, but think that they know things of which 
they are ignorant ; while the only knowledge that is in them 
is to do evil, and to frame devices more and more wicked day 
by day. Thus they reproach me with my present flight, not 
for the sake of my character, as wishing me to shew my man- 
liness by coming forward; (how is it possible that such a 
wish can be entertained by enemies in behalf of those who 
run not with them in the same career of madness?) but being 
full of malice, they pretend this, and whisper 1 up and down Vi<i/V- 
that such is the case, thinking, foolish as indeed they are,^ 
that through fear of their revilings, I shall yet be induced to ™te y. 
give myself up to them. For this is what they desire: to^az. 
accomplish this they have recourse to all kinds of schemes : ^ r * t 27 - 
they pretend themselves to be friends, while they search after 

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190 Outrages of the Avians against the Bishops. 

Apol. me as enemies, to the end that they may glut themselves with 

Fliobt. m y blood, and put me also out of the way, because I have 
always opposed and do still oppose their impiety, and con- 
fute and brand their heresy. 
§. 3. 4, For whom have they ever persecuted and taken, that they 
have not insulted and injured as they pleased ? Whom have 
they ever sought after and found, that they have not handled 
in such a manner, that either he has died a miserable 

1 *"' r "- death, or has been illtreated in every member 1 ? Whatever 
the magistrates appear to do, it is their work ; and the other 
are merely the tools of their will and wickedness. In con- 
sequence, where is there a place that has not some memorial 
of their wickedness ? Who has ever opposed them, without 
their conspiring against him, inventing pretexts for his ruin 
after the manner of Jezebel ? Where is there a Church that 
is not at this moment lamenting the success of their plots 
against her Bishops ? Antioch is mourning for the orthodox 
Confessor Eustathius*; Balaneae for the most admirable 

^Hiat^ Euphration 8 ; Paltus and Antaradus for Cymatius 8 and Carte- 
'rius; Adrianople for that lover of Christ, Eutropius, and after 
him for Lucius, who was often loaded with chains by their 
means, and so perished; Ancyra mourns for Marcellus, 

»Beroa, Berrhcea 3 for Cyrus 8 , Gaza for Asclepas. 

Arfs. °* Of all these, after inflicting many outrages, they by their 
intrigues procured the banishment; but for Theodulus and 
Olympius, Bishops of Thrace, and for me and my Presbyters, 
they caused diligent search to be made, to the intent that if we 
were discovered we should suffer capital punishment: and pro- 

* vid. Hist. Arian. $. 4. also Theo- Arianism, which was not terminated 

doret Hist. i. 20. Eustathius was one till the time of S. Chrysostom. The 

of the original opponent* of Arianism. name of Euphration occurs de Syn. 17. 

S. Alexander wrote to him (then Bishop (tr. vol. 8. p. 99.) as the Bishop to whom 

of Berrhcea) against Arius, as well as to Eusebius of Csesarea wrote an heretical 

Philogonius of Antioch and Alexander letter. Balane® is on the Syrian coast, 

of Constantinople. He was deposed Paltus also and Antaradus are in 

by the Arians A.D. 331, on the pre- Syria, and these persecutions took 

tence of Sahellianism and perhaps of place about A.D. 340; that of Eutropius, 

incontinency. Montfaucon, however, and of Lucius his successor, about 332, 

doubts whether the latter was ever shortly after the proceedings against 

made a charge, though Theodoret Eustathius. Cyrus too was banished 

mentions it. V. Athan. p. 14. Another under pretence of Sahellianism about 

reason isgiven Hist. Arian. loc. cit. The 340. Asclepas has been mentioned supr. 

orthodox succession was continued, p. 69. note e. For Theodulus and Olym- 

though dispossessed, and gave occasion pius vid. Hist. Arian. $. 19. and supr. 

to the schism, after the overthrow of p. 71. note g. 

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Praises of Hosius. 191 

bably we should have so perished, had we not fled at that very Tb. v. 
time contrarv to their intentions* For letters to that effect were 3 **' 

delivered to the Proconsul Donatus against Olympius and his 
friends, and to Philagrius respecting me. And having raised 
a persecution against Paul, Bishop of Constantinople, as soon 
as they found him, they caused him to be openly strangled 11 infr. 
at a place called Cucusus iu Cappadocia, employing as their Arian. 
executioner for the purpose Philip, who was Prefect. He §• 4 - 
was a patron of their heresy, and the tool of their wicked 

6. Are they then satisfied with all this, and content to be §.4. 
quiet for the future ? By no means ; they have not given over 

yet, but like the horseleach* in the Proverbs, they revel more 3 Hist, 
and more in their wickedness, and fix themselves upon the£^£™' 
larger dioceses. Who can adequately describe the enormities 
they have already perpetrated ? who is able tq recount all 
the deeds that they have done ? Even very lately, while the 
Churches were at peace, and the people worshipping in their 
congregations, Liberius Bishop of Rome, Paulinus 3 Metro- 3 of 
politan of Gaul, Dionysius 4 Metropolitan of Italy, Lucifer 6 4 0 f V MU 
Metropolitan of the Sardinian islands, and Eusebius 6 o( l ^ c ^ 
Italy, all of them excellent Bishops and preachers of the^iiari. 
truth, were seized and banished, on no pretence whatever, c l\\^ er ' 
except that they would not unite themselves to the Arian 
heresy, nor subscribe to the accusations and calumnies which 
they had invented against me. 

7. Of the great Hosius, who answers to his name, that con- §. 5. 
fessor of an happy old age 7 , it is superfluous for me to speak, 7 tbynp- 
for I suppose it is known unto all men that they caused him 'J^supr. 
also to be banished; for he is not an obscure person, but p- 70. 
of all men the most illustrious, and more than this. When 

was there a Council held, in which he did not take the lead, 
and convince every one by his orthodoxy ? Where is there 
a Church that does not possess some glorious monuments of 
his patronage? Who has ever come to him in sorrow, and has 
not gone away rejoicing ? What needy person ever asked 
his aid, and did not obtain what he desired? And yet even 
on this man they made their assault, because knowing the 
calumnies which they invent in behalf of their iniquity, he 
would not subscribe to their designs against me. And if 

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192 Outrages of George upon the Alexandrians. 

A pol. afterwards, upon the repeated blows that were inflicted upon 
Flight. n ^ m aDove measure, and the conspiracies that were formed 
against his kinsfolk, he yielded to them for a time, as being 
old and infirm in body, yet at least their wickedness was 
shewn even in this circumstance; so zealously did they 
1 infr. endeavour by all means to prove that they were not truly 
init. Christians 1 . 

§. 6. 8. After this they again fastened themselves upon Alexan- 
dria, seeking anew to put me to death : and their proceedings 
were now worse than before. For on a sudden the Church 
was surrounded by soldiers, and deeds of war took the place 
8 vol. 8. of prayers. Then George* of Cappadocia who was sent by 
note 3 */ them, having arrived during the season of Lent 3 , brought an 
supr. p. increase of evils which they had taught him. For after 
3 supr. Easter week, Virgins were thrown into prison ; Bishops were 
noteh led away in chains by soldiers; the houses of orphans and 
widows were plundered, and their bread taken away ; attacks 
were made upon houses, and Christians thrust forth in the 
night, and their dwellings sealed up: the brothers of clergy- 
men were in danger of their lives on account of their rela- 

9. These outrages were sufficiently dreadful, but more dread- 
ful than these followed. For on the week that succeeded the 
Holy Pentecost, when the people after their fast had gone 
out to the cemetery to pray, because that all refused commu- 
nion with George, that abandoned person, understanding this 
to be the case, stirred up against them the commander 
Sebastian, a Manichee ; who straightway with a multitude of 
soldiers with arms, drawn swords, bows, and spears, proceeded 
to attack the people, though it was the Lord's day: and find- 
ing a few praying, (for the greater part had already retired on 
account of the lateness of the hour,) he committed such out- 
rages as became a disciple of these men. H aving lighted a 
pile, he placed certain virgins near the firei, and endeavoured 
to force them to say that they were of the Arian faith : and 
where he saw that they were getting the mastery, and cared 
not for the fire, he immediately stripped them naked, and 
wounded their faces in such a manner, that for some time 
they could hardly be recognised. 
§,7. 10. And having seized upon forty men, he beat them after a 

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Outrages of George. 193 

new fashion. Cutting some fresh twigs of the palm tree Tr. v. 
with the thorns upon them 1 , he scourged them on the back so 1 ^ j ■ 
severely, that some of them were for a long time under me- Ariaiu 
dical treatment on account of the thorns which had entered 72 ' 
their flesh, and others unable to bear up under their sufferings 
died. All those whom they had taken, both the men and 
the virgins, they sent away together into banishment to the 
great Oasis. And the bodies of those who had perished 
they would not at first suffer to be given up to their friends, 
but concealed them in any way they pleased, and cast them 
out without burial 8 , in order that they might not appear to 2 ibid, 
have any knowledge of these cruel proceedings. But herein l^r. p° 
their deluded minds greatly misled them. For the relatives l78 « 
of the dead, both rejoicing at the confession, and grieving 
for the bodies of their friends, published abroad so much the 
more this proof of their impiety and cruelty. Moreover they 3 i6,ibid. 
immediately banished out of Egypt and Libya the following Hist. 
Bishops 3 , Ammonius, Mu'ius, Gaius,Philo 4 , Hermes, Plenius,^g|^ 2 * 
Psenosiris, Nilammon, Agathus, Anagamphus, Marcus, Am- ron. V. 
monius, another Marcus, Dracontius 6 , Adelphius 6 , Athenodo- ^3"' 
rus, and the Presbyters, Hierax 7 , and Dioscorus; whom they perhaps 
drove forth under such cruel treatment, that some of them * e ^ 1 " 
died on the way, and others in the place of their banishment. A - D. 
They caused also more than thirty Bishops to take to flight; 5 a dbra- 
for their desire was, after the example of Ahab, if it were? 011 *'. 

6 ad A- 

possible, utterly to root out the truth. Such are the enormi- delph. 
ties of which these impious men have been guilty. con?io~ 

11. But although they have done all this, yet they are not §. 8. 
ashamed of the evils they have already contrived against me, 
but proceed now to accuse me, because I have been able to 
escape their murderous hands. Nay, they bitterly bewail 
themselves, that they have not effectually put me out of the 
way ; and so they pretend to reproach me with cowardice, 
not perceiving that by thus murmuring against me, they 
rather turn the blame upon themselves. For if it be a bad 
thing to flee, it is much worse to persecute ; for the one party 
hides himself to escape death, the other persecutes with a 
desire to kill; and it is written in the Scriptures that we 
ought to flee, but he that seeks to destroy transgresses the 
law, nay, and is himself the occasion of the other's flight. If 


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194 If it be a sin to flee, it is a greater to cause to flee. 

Apol. then they reproach me with my flight, let them be more 
Flight ashamed of their own persecution 1 . Let them cease to com- 
r^jd] pass my destruction, and I shall without delay cease to 

12. But they, instead of giving over their wickedness, are 
employing every means to obtain possession of my person, 
not perceiving that the flight of those who are persecuted is a 
strong argument against them that persecute. For no man 
flees from the gentle and the humane, but from the cruel and 
l Sam. the evil-minded. Every one that was in distress, and every 
221 " one that was in debt, fled from Saul, and took refuge with 
David. But this is the reason why these men desire to cut 
off those who are in concealment, that there may be no 
evidence forthcoming of their wickedness. But herein their 
minds seem to be blinded with their usual error. For the 
more the flight of their enemies becomes known, so much 
the more notorious will be the destruction or the banishment 
Arian wn * cn tne ^ r treachery has brought upon them 8 ; so that whe- 
§.34.35. ther they kill them outright, their death will be the more 
loudly noised abroad against them, or whether they drive 
them into banishment, they will but be sending forth every 
where monuments of their own iniquity. 
§• 9. 13. Now if they had been of sound mind, they would have 
seen that they were in this strait, and that they were defeated 
by their own arguments. But since they have lost all judg- 
ment, they are still led on to persecute, and seek to destroy, 
and yet perceive not their own impiety. It may be they even 
venture to accuse Providence itself, (for nothing is beyond 
the reach of their presumption,) that it does not deliver up to 
them those whom they desire, certain as it is, according to the 
saying of our Saviour, that not even a sparrow can fall into 
3 p. 199, the net 3 without our Father which is in heaven. But when 
these bad spirits obtain possession of any one, they imme- 
diately forget not only all other, but even themselves; and 
raising their brow in very haughtiness, they neither acknow- 
ledge times and seasons, nor respect human nature in those 
lis' 9 * w ^ om *k ev injure. Like the tyrant of Babylon 4 , they attack 
more furiously; they shew pity to none, but mercilessly upon 
l8A 7> 6 'the ancient, as it is written, they very heavily lay the yoke, 
Va. 69, tne y ac i € i to f n e grief of them that are wounded. 

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They grieved not that A than. was coward jbut thathewasfree. 1 95 

14. Had they not acted in this manner; had they not driven Tr. v. 
into banishment those who spoke in my defence against their 9 ' 10 ' 
calumnies, their representations might have appeared to 
some persons sufficiently plausible. But since they have 
conspired against so many other Bishops of high character, 
and have spared neither the great confessor Hosius, nor the 
Bishop of Rome, nor so many others from Spain and Gaul* 
and Egypt, and Libya, and the other countries, but have 
committed such cruel outrages against all who have in any 
way opposed them in my behalf ; is it not plain that their 
designs have been directed rather against me than against 
any other, and that their desire is miserably to destroy me as 
they have done others? To accomplish this they vigilantly 
watch for an opportunity, and think themselves injured, when 
they see those safe, whom they wish not to live. Who then §. 10. 
does not perceive their profligacy ? Is it not very evident to 
every one that they do not reproach me with cowardice from 
regard to my character, but that being athirst for blood, they 
employ these their base devices as a snare, thinking thereby 
to catch those whom they seek to destroy ? That such is their 
character is shewn by their actions, which have convicted 
them of possessing dispositions more savage than wild beasts, 
and more cruel than the Babylonians 1 . But although the 1 p. 194. 
proof against them is sufficiently clear from all this, yet 
since they still dissemble with soft words after the manner of 
their father the devil, and pretend to charge me with cow- John 8, 
ardice, while they are themselves more cowardly than hares ; 44 * 
let us consider what is written in the sacred Scriptures re- 
specting such cases as this. For thus they will be shewn to 
fight against the Scriptures no less than against me, while 
they detract from the virtues of the Saints. 

15. For if they reproach men for hiding themselves from 
those who seek to destroy them, and accuse those who flee 
from their persecutors, what will they do when they see Jacob 
fleeing from his brother Esau, and Moses withdrawing into 
Midian for fear of Pharaoh ? What excuse will they make for 
David, after all this idle talk, for fleeing from his house on 
account of Saul, where he sent to kill him, and for hiding 
himself in the cave, and for changing his appearance, until 'Achish, 
he withdrew from Abimelech 9 , and escaped his designs 21^*13.' 

o 2 

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196 Examples of Scripture Saints in defence of flight. 

Apol. against him ? What will they say, they who are ready to say 
F^o* T .any thing, when they see the great Elias, after calling upon 
_ raising the dead, hiding himself for fear of Ahab, 

and fleeing from the threats of Jezebel ? At which time also 
the sons of the prophets, when they were sought after, hid 
t x themselves with the assistance of Abdias, and lay concealed 

* Hist. . 9 J 

Ar.§.53. in caves \ 

§. 11. 16. Perhaps they have not read these histories^ as being out 
of date ; yet have they no recollection of what is written in the 
Gospel ? For the disciples also withdrew and hid themselves 
for fear of the Jews ; and Paul, when he was sought after by 
the governor at Damascus, was let down from the wall in a 
basket, and so escaped his hands. As the Scripture then 
relates these things of the Saints, what excuse will they be 
able to invent for their wickedness ? To reproach them with 
cowardice would be an act of madness, and to accuse them of 
acting contrary to the will of God, would be to shew them- 
selves entirely ignorant of the Scriptures. For there was a com- 
Ex. 21, mand under the Law that cities of refuge should be appointed, 
in order that they who were sought after to be put to death, 
might at least have some means of saving themselves. And 
when He who spake unto Moses, the Word of the Father, 
appeared in the end of the world, He also gave this corn- 
Mat. 10, mandment, saying, But when they persecute you in this city, 
Mat.24,^*y* into another : and shortly after He says, When ye there- 
It. fore shall see the abomination qf desolation, spoken qf by 
Daniel the prophet, stand in the holy place, (whoso readeth, 
let Mm understand;) then let them which be in Judeaflee 
into the mountains: let him which is on the housetop not 
come down to take any thing out qf his house : neither let 
him which is in the field return back to take his clothes. 
Knowing these things, the Saints regulated their conduct 
2 «•« accordingly. For what our Lord has now commanded, the 
same a ^ so He spoke by His Saints before His coming in the 
*i*t> flesh 2 : and this is the rule which is given unto men to lead 
p! P i29, them to perfection, — what God commands, that to do. 
% 3 \2 l7 ' ^ nere *° re *^ so tne Word Himself, being made man for 
^* " our sakes, condescended to hide Himself when He was sought 
after, as we do : and also when He was persecuted, to flee 
and avoid the designs of His enemies. For it became Him, 

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Example of our Lord. 


as by hunger and thirst and suffering, so also by hiding Tr. v. 
Himself and fleeing, to shew that He had taken our flesh, } lm ~ l3m 
and was made man. Thus at the very first, as soon as He 
became man, when He was a little child, He Himself by 
His Angel commanded Joseph, Arise, and take the young WL&t. 2, 
Child and His Mother, and flee into Egypt; for Herod will 13 ' 
seek the young ChilcTs life. And when Herod was dead, we 
find Him withdrawing to Nazareth for fear of Archelaus his 
son. And when afterwards He was shewing Himself to be 
God, and made whole the withered hand, the Pharisees went . 
out, and held a council against Him, how they might destroy 
Him ; but when Jesus knew it, He withdrew Himself from Mat.26, 
thence. So also when He raised Lazarus from the dead, 
from that day forth, says the Scripture, they took counsel for Johnii, 
to put Him to death. Jesus therefore walked no more openly 63> 64 " 
among the Jews ; but went thence into a country near to the 
wilderness. Again, when our Saviour said, Before Abraham John 8, 
was, I am, the Jews took up stones to cast at Him; but Jesus 5Sf 59 ' 
hid Himself, and went out of the temple. And going through Luke 4, 
the midst of them, He went His way, and so passed by. 30 ' 
When they see these things, or rather when they hear of§. 13. 
them, for see they do not, will they not desire, as it is written, 
to become fuel of fire, because their counsels and their words Is. 9, 5. 
are contrary to what the Lord both did and taught ? Also 
when John was martyred, and his disciples buried his body, 
when Jesus heard of it, He departed thence by ship into a Mat.14, 
desert place apart. 3 ' 

18. Thus the Lord acted, and thus He taught. Would that 
these men were even now ashamed of their conduct, and con- 
fined their rashness to man, nor proceeded to such extreme 
madness as even to charge our Saviour with cowardice ! for 
it is against Him that they now utter their blasphemies. But 
no one will endure such madness ; nay it will be seen that 
they do not understand the Gospels. The cause must be a 
reasonable and just one, which the Evangelists represent as 
weighing with our Saviour to withdraw and to flee; and we 
ought therefore to assign the same for the conduct of all the 
Saints. (For whatever is written concerning our Saviour in 
His human nature, ought to be considered as applying to the 
whole race of mankind 1 ; because He took our body, and ex- 1 vol. 8. 

p. 241. 

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An hour and a time for aU men. 

A pol. hibited in Himself human infirmity.) Now of this cause John 
Flight. h as written thus, They sought to take Him: but no man laid 
John 7, hands on Him, because His hour was not yet come. And 
John 2 before it came, He Himself said to His Mother, Mine hour is 
4. ' not yet come: and to them who are called His brethren, My 
John 7, fi me fa nQ t come ^nd again, when His time was come, 
Mat26, He said to the disciples, Sleep on now, and take your rest : 
46, for behold, the hour is at hand, and the Son of man is betrayed 

into the hands of sinners. 
§.14. 1 9. Now in so far as He was God and the Word of the Father, 
^oi.s. He had no time; for He is Himself the Creator of times 1 , 
noten. being made man, He shews by speaking in this man- 
ner that there is a time allotted to every man; and that not 
by chance, as some of the Gentiles imagine in their fables, 
but a time which He, the Creator, has appointed to every 
one according to the will of the Father. This is written in 
Eccles. the Scriptures, and is manifest to all men. For although it 
' * be hidden and unknown to all, what period of time is allotted 
to each, and how it is allotted ; yet every one knows this, that 
as there is a time for spring and for summer, and for autumn 
and for winter, so, as it is written, there is a time to die, and 
a time to live. And so the time of the generation which lived 
in the days of Noah was cut short, and their years were con* 
tracted, because the time of all things was at hand. But to 
Hezekiah were added fifteen years. And as God promises to 
Gen.26, them that serve Him truly, I will fulfil the number of thy 
8 ' days; Abraham dies full of days, and David besought God, 
Ps. 102, saying, Take me not away in the midst of my days. And 
24. Elfphaz, one of the friends of Job, being assured of this truth, 
Job 6, said, Thou shalt come to thy grave in a full age, like as a 
shock qf corn comet h hi in his season. And Solomon confirm- 
ed, ing his words, says, The souls of the unrighteous are taken 
lo r ,°27. away untimely. And therefore he exhorts in the book of 
Eccles. Ecclesiastes, saying, Be not overmuch wicked, neither be 

17 ' thou foolish: why shouldest thou die before thy time? 
§.15. 20. Now as these things are written in the Scriptures, the case 
cred 8 *" * s c * ear > tnat tne saints 2 knew that a certain time was allotted 
writer*, to every man, but that no one knows the end of that time, is 
i28^r. P aml y intimated by the words of David, Declare unto me 

Ph. 102, the shortness of my days. What he did not know, that he 
23. Sept. 

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Our Lord's hour and time. 


desired to be informed of. Accordingly the rich man also, Tr. v. 
while he thought that he had yet a long time to live, heard l5> l6 ' 
the words, Thou fool, this night thy soul shall be required t^Luke 
thee: then whose shall those things be which thou hast pro- 9 
vided? And the Preacher speaks confidently in the Holy 
Spirit, and says, Man also knoweth not his time. Wherefore Eccles. 
the Patriarch Isaac said to his son Esau, Behold, I am old, Gen. 27, 
and I know not the day qfmy death. 2# 

21. Our Lord therefore, although as God, and the Word of 
the Father, He both knew the period which He had allotted to 
all, and was conscious of the time for suffering, which He Him- 
self had appointed also to His own body ; yet since He was 
made man for our sakes, He hid Himself when He was sought 
after before that time came, as we do ; when He was perse- 
cuted, He fled; and avoiding the designs of His enemies He 
passed by, and so went through the midst qf them. But Luke 4, 
when He had brought on that time which He Himself had 30# 
appointed, at which He desired to suffer in the body for all 
men, He announces it to the Father, saying, Father, the hour Johnir, 
is come; glorify Thy Son. And then He no longer hid Him- l ' 
self from those who sought Him, but stood willing to be taken 

by them ; for the Scripture says, He said to them that came 
unto Him, Wliom seek ye f and when they answered, Jesus Johnis, 
qf Nazareth, He saith unto them, / am He whom ye seek. 4> 5 * 
And this He did even more than once; and so they straightway 
led Him away to Pilate. He neither suffered Himself to be 
taken before the time came, nor did He hide Himself when 
it was come ; but gave Himself up to them that conspired 
against Him, that He might shew to all men that the life and 
death of man depends upon the divine sentence ; and that vid. 
without our Father which is in heaven, neither a hair of man's ^'Jq' 
head can become white or black, nor a sparrow fall into the 29/ 

nef. 'A 19 *' 

22. Our Lord therefore, as I said before, thus offered Himself §. 16. 
for all; and the Saints having received this example from 
their Saviour, (for all of them before His coming, nay always, 
were under His teaching 2 ,) in their conflicts with their 8 vol. 8. 
persecutors acted lawfully in flying, and hiding themselves Jotfc.' 
when they were sought after. And being ignorant, as men, 

of the end of the time which Providence had appointed unto 

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200 A time to flee and a time to stay. 

Apol. them, they were unwilling at once to deliver themselves up 
Flight.* 11 * 0 the P ower of those who conspired against them. But 
Ps. 31, knowing on the other hand what is written, that the times 
] 6 ' of man are in God's hand, and that the Lord killeth, and 

1 Sam. . 

3, 6. the Lord maketh alive, they the rather endured unto the 
Heb.n,end, wandering about, as the Apostle has spoken, in sheep- 
skins, and goatskins, being destitute, tormented, wandering 
in deserts, and hiding themselves in dens and caves qf the 
earth; until either the appointed time of death arrived, or 
God who had appointed their time spake unto them, and 
stayed the designs of their enemies, or else delivered up the 
persecuted to their persecutors, according as it seemed to 
Him to be good. This we may well learn respecting all men 
from David: for when Joab instigated him to slay Saul, he 
l Sam. S aid, As the Lord liveth, the Lord shall smite him ; or his 

26 1Q 

ii J ' day shall come to die; or he shall descend into battle, and 
perish; the Lord forbid that I should stretch forth my hand 
against the Lord? 8 anointed. 
§. 17. 23. And if ever in their flight they voluntarily came unto 
those that sought after them, they did not do so without 
reason: but when the Spirit spoke unto them, then as 
righteous men they went and met their enemies ; by which 
they also shewed their obedience and zeal towards God. 
Such was the conduct of Elias, when, being commanded by 
the Spirit, he shewed himself unto Ahab; and of Micaiah 
the prophet when he came to the same Ahab; and of the 
prophet who cried against the altar in Samaria, and rebuked 
Jeroboam; and of Paul when he appealed unto Caesar. It 
was not certainly through cowardice that they fled: God 
forbid. The flight to which they submitted was rather a 
conflict and war against death. For with wise caution they 
guarded against these two things; either that they should 
offer themselves up without reason, (for this would have 
been to kill themselves, and to become guilty of death, and 
Mat.i9,to transgress that saying of the Lord, What God hath joined, 
6 * let not man put asunder;) or that they should willingly 
subject themselves to the reproach of negligence, as if they 
were unmoved by the tribulations which they met with in 
, ^ their flight, and which brought with them sufferings greater and 
supr.p. more terrible than death. For he that dies, ceases to suffer 1 ; 

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A life of flight worse than death. 


but he that flies, while he expects daily the assaults of his Tr. v. 
enemies, esteems death a lighter evil. They therefore whose 17 9 18 * 
course was consummated in their flight did not perish dis- 
honourably, but attained as well as others the glory of 
martyrdom. Therefore it is that Job is accounted a man 
of mighty fortitude, because he endured to live under so 
many and such severe sufferings, of which he would have 
had no perception, had he come to his end. 

24. Wherefore the blessed Fathers thus regulated their con- 
duct also ; they shewed no cowardice in fleeing from the perse- 
cutor, but rather manifested their fortitude of soul in shutting 
themselves up in close and dark places, and living a hard 
life. Yet did they not desire to avoid the time of death when 
it arrived; for their concern was neither to shrink from it 
when it came, nor to forestall the sentence determined by 
Providence, nor to resist His dispensation, for which they 
knew themselves to be preserved ; lest by acting hastily, they 
should become to themselves the cause of terror: for thus 

it is written, He that is hasty with his lips, shall bring terror Proy. 
upon himself. Sept." 

25. Of a truth no one can possibly doubt that they were 18. 
well furnished with the virtue of fortitude. For the Patriarch 
Jacob who had before fled from Esau, feared not death when 

it came, but at that very time blessed the Patriarchs, each 
according to his deserts. And the great Moses who pre- 
viously had hid himself from Pharaoh, and had withdrawn 
into Midian for fear of him, when he received the command- 
ment, Go into Egypt, feared not to do so. And again when vid. Ex. 
he was bidden to go up into the mountain Abarim and die, ' 
he delayed not through cowardice, but even joyfully proceeded 
thither. And David who had before fled from Saul, feared 
not to risk his life in war in defence of his people; but 
having the choice of death or of flight set before him, when 
he might have fled and lived, he wisely preferred death. 
And the great Elias who had at a former time hid himself 
from Jezebel, shewed no cowardice when he was commanded 
by the Spirit to meet Ahab, and to reprove Ochozias. And 
Peter who had hid himself for fear of he Jews, and the 
Apostle Paul who was let down in a basket, and fled, when 
they were told, Ye must bear witness at Rome, deferred not™ ,, ^ ct8 

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202 The Saints courageous in their/light, and divinely favoured. 

Apol. the journey; yea, rather, they departed rejoicing 1 ; the one 
Flight. 35 hastening to meet his friends, received his death with 
irid. exultation; and the other shrunk not from the time when it 
Hist*ii came > but gloried in it, saying, For I am now ready to be 
26. offered, and the time of my departure is at hand. 
2Tim.4, These things both prove that their previous flight was 
§. 19. not the effect of cowardice; and testify that their after con- 
duct also was of no ordinary character : and they loudly pro- 
claim that they possessed in a high degree the virtue of 
fortitude. For neither did they withdraw themselves to 
gratify a slothful timidity, seeing they were at such times 
2 under the practice of a severer discipline 2 than at others; nor 
*ll»fa*t were they condemned for their flight, or charged with cow- 
ardice, by such as are now so fond of criminating others. 
Nay they were blessed through that declaration of our Lord, 
Mat. 5, Blessed are they which are persecuted for righteousness^ sake. 
Nor yet were these their sufferings without profit to them- 
selves; for having tried them as gold in the furnace, as the 
Book of Wisdom has said, God found them worthy for Him- 
self. And then they shone the more like sparks, being saved 
from them that persecuted them, and delivered from the de- 
signs of their enemies, and preserved to the end that they 
might teach the people, that their flight and escape from the 
rage of them that sought after them, was according to the dis- 
pensation of the Lord. And so they became dear in the 
sight of God, and obtained the most glorious testimony to 
their fortitude. 

§. 20. 27. Thus, for example, the Patriarch Jacob was favoured in 
his flight with many, even divine visions, and remaining quiet 
himself, he had the Lord on his side, rebuking Laban, and 
hindering the designs of Esau; and afterwards he became 
the father of Judah, of whom sprang the Lord according to 
the flesh ; and he dispensed the blessings to the Patriarchs. 
And Moses the beloved of God, when he was in exile, then 
it was that he saw that great sight, and being preserved from 
his persecutors, was sent as a prophet into Egypt, and being 
made the minister of those mighty wonders and of the Law, 
he led that great people in the wilderness. And David when 
Pg.46,i.he was persecuted wrote the Psalm, My heart is inditing a 
Pa.50,3.good matter; and, Our God shall come, and shall not keep 

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Tlie Saints fled that the truth might escape. 203 

silence. And again he speaks more confidently, saying, Tr. v. 
Mine eye hath seen his desire upon mine enemies; and 2Q ' 21 '. 
again, In God have I put my trust; I will not be afraid plf^e,' 
what man can do unto me. And when he fled and escaped u - 
from the face of Saul to the cave, he said, He hath sent from Ps.67,3. 
heaven, and hath saved me. He hath given them to reproach 
that would tread me under their feet. God hath sen t His mercy 
and truth, and hath delivered my soul from the midst of 
lions. Thus he too was saved according to the dispensation 
of God, and afterwards became king, and received the pro- 
mise, that from his seed our Lord should spring. 

28. And the great Elias, when he withdrew himself to mount 
Carmel, called upon God, and destroyed at once more than four 
hundred prophets of Baal ; and when there were sent to take him 

two captains of fifty with their hundred men, he said, Let fire 2 Kings 
come down from heaven, and thus rebuked them. And he 1 ' 10, 
too was preserved, so that he anointed Elisha in his own 
stead, and became a pattern of virtue for the sons of the pro- 
phets. And the blessed Paul, after writing these words, 
what persecutions I endured; but out of them all the Lord 2Tim.3, 
delivered me, and will deliver; could speak more confidently n " 
and say, But in all these things we are more than cow- Rom. 8, 
querors, for nothing shall separate us from the love of Christ 1 . ^^49 
For then it was that he was caught up to the third heaven, 220. 
and admitted into paradise, where he heard unspeakable 2 Cor. 
words, which it is not lawful for a man to utter. And for 12 ' 4 * 
this end was he then preserved, that from Jerusalem even Rom. 
unto Illyricum he might fully preach the Gospel. l5) l9t 

29, The flight of the saints therefore was neither blameable §. 21. 
nor unprofitable. If they had not avoided their persecutors, 
how would it have come to pass that the Lord should spring 
from the seed of David ? Or who would have preached the 
glad tidings of the word of truth ? It was for this that the 
persecutors sought after the saints, .that there might be no 

one to teach, as the Jews charged the Apostles ; but for this 
cause they endured all things, that the Gospel might be 
preached 2 . Behold, therefore, in that they were thus engaged in * p. 184. 
conflict with their enemies, they passed not the time of their 
flight unprofitably, nor while they were persecuted, did they 
forget the welfare of others.: but as being ministers of the 

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The Saints fled for our sokes. 

Apol. good word, they grudged not to communicate it to all men ; 
Flight. so *^ at even wnu<e tne 7 tne 7 preached the Gospel, and 

gave warning of the wickedness of those who conspired 

against them, and confirmed the faithful by their exhortations. 
30. Thus the blessed Paul, having found it so by-experience, 
2 Tim. declared beforehand, As many as will live godly in Christ, 
3 ' 1 ' shall suffer persecution. And so he straightway prepared 
Heb.i2, them that fled for the trial, saying, Let us run with patience 
' the race that is set before us ; for although there be continual 
Rom. 5, tribulations, yet tribulation worketh patience, and patience 
experience, and experience hope, and hope maketh not 
ashamed. And the Prophet Esaias when such-like affliction 
la. 26, was expected, exhorted and cried aloud, Come, my people, 
299 enter thou into thy chambers, and shut thy doors: hide thy- 
self as H were for a little moment, until the indignation be 
ip. 186. overpast 1 . And the Preacher who knew the designs of the 
Eccles. wicked against the righteous, and said, If thou seest the op- 
&f 8 * * pression of the poor, and violent perverting of judgment and 
justice in a province, marvel not at the matter : for He that 
is higher than the highest regardeth, and there be higher 
than they : moreover there is the profit of the earth. He 
had his own father David for an example, who had himself 
experienced the sufferings of persecution, and who supports 
Pa. 31, them that suffer by the words, Be of good courage, and He 
shall strengthen your heart, all ye that put your trust in the 
Lord; for them that so endure, not man, but the Lord Him- 
Ps.37, self, (he says,) shall help them, and deliver them, because 
Ps.40,i they put their trust in Him: for I also waited patiently for 
the Lord, and He inclined unto me, and heard my calling ; 
He brought me up also out of the lowest pit, and out of the 
mire and clay. Thus is shewn how profitable to the people 
and productive of good is the flight of the Saints, howsoever 
the Arians may think otherwise. 
§. 22. 31. Thus the Saints, as I said before, were abundantly pre- 
served in their flight by the Providence of God, as physi- 
cians for the sake of them that had need. And to all men 
generally, even to us, is this law given, that we should flee 
when we are persecuted, and hide ourselves when we are 
sought after, and not rashly tempt the Lord, but should wait, 
as I said above, until the appointed time of death arrive, or 

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Persecution is from the Devil. 


the Judge determine something concerning us, according as Tr. v. 
it shall seem to Him to be good: that we should be ready, 
that, when the time calls for us, or when we are taken, we 
may contend for the truth even unto death. This rule the 
blessed Martyrs observed in their several persecutions. When 
persecuted they fled, while concealing themselves they shewed 
fortitude, and when discovered they submitted to martyrdom. 
And if some of them came and presented themselves to their 
persecutors', they did not do so without reason; for immedi- 
ately in that case they were martyred, and thus made it evi- 
dent to all that their zeal, and this offering up of themselves 
to their enemies, were from the Spirit. 

32. Seeing therefore that such are the commands of our §. 23. 
Saviour, and that such is the conduct of the Saints, let these 
persons, to whom one cannot give a name suitable to their cha- 
racter, — let them, 1 say, tell us, from whom they learnt to per- 
secute ? They cannot say, from the Saints 1 . No, but from the 1 Hist. 
Devil ; (that is the only answer which is left them ;) — from him $$"3^ 
who says, / will pursue, I will overtake. Our Lord commanded 67. 

to flee, and the saints fled: but persecution is a device of the g X * 16 » 
Devil, and one which he desires to exercise against all. 
Let them say then, to which we ought to submit ourselves; 
to the words of the Lord, or to their fabrications? Whose 
conduct ought we to imitate, that of the Saints, or that of 
those whose example they have adopted? But since it is 
likely they cannot determine this question, (for, as Esaias 
said, their minds and their consciences are blinded, and they is. 5,20. 
think bitter to be sweet, and light darkness*,) let some one 2 p. 220. 
come forth from among us Christians, and put them to p# <} # " 
rebuke, and cry with a loud voice, " It is better to trust 
in the Lord, than to attend to the foolish sayings of these 
men ; for the words of the Lord have eternal life, but the John 6, 


things which these utter are full of iniquity and blood." 

33. This were sufficient to put a stop to the madness of these §. 24. 
impious men, and to prove that their desire is for nothing 

else, but only through a love of contention to utter revilings 

a Vid. instances and passages col- ii. c. 9. also Gibbon, cb. xvi. p. 438. 
lected in Pearson's Vind. Ignat. part Mosheim de Reb. Ante Const, p. 941. 

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Irruption of Syrianus into the Church. 

Apol. and blasphemies. Bat forasmuch as having once dared to 
f *oh T . fight against . Christ, they have now become officious, let 
them enquire and learn into the manner of my withdrawal 
from their own friends. For the Arians were mixed with 
the soldiers in order to exasperate them against me, and, as 
they were unacquainted with my person, to point me out to 
them. And although they ate destitute of all feelings of 
compassion, yet when they hear the circumstances they will 
surely be quiet for very shame. 
» p. 176. 34. It was now night 1 , and some of the people were keeping 
a vigil preparatory to a communion on the morrow, when 
the General Syrianus suddenly came upon us with more 
than five thousand soldiers, having arms and drawn swords, 
bows, spears, and clubs, as 1 have related above. With 
these he surrounded the Church, stationing his soldiers 
near at hand, in order that no one might be able to leave 
the Church and pass by them. Now I considered that it 
would be unfair in me to desert the people during such 
a disturbance, and not to endanger myself in their behalf ; 
therefore I sat down upon my throne, and desired the 
Ps. 136, Deacon to read the Psalm, and the people to answer, For His 
l ' mercy endureth for ever, and then all to withdraw and 
depart home. But the General having now made a forcible 
entry, and the soldiers having surrounded the Chancel for 
the purpose of apprehending me, the Clergy and those of the 
laity, who were still there, cried out, and demanded that 
I should withdraw. But I refused, declaring that I would 
not do so, until they had retired one and alL Accord- 
ingly I stood up, and having bidden prayer, I then made my 
request of them, that all should depart before me, saying 
that it was better that my safety should be endangered, than 
that any of them should receive hurt. So when the greater 
part had gone forth, and the rest were following, the monks 
who were there with me and certain of the Clergy came up 
and dragged me away. And thus, (Truth is my witness,) 
while some of the soldiers stood about the Chancel, and 
others were going round the Church, I passed through, 
under the Lord's guidance, and with His protection withdrew 
without observation, greatly glorifying God, that I had not 

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Athanasius>s wonderful escape. 207 * 

betrayed the people, but had first sent them away, and then Tr. V. 
had been able to save myself, and to escape the hands nf 24 — 26 - 
them which sought after me. 

35. Now when Providence had delivered me in such an §. 25. 
extraordinary manner, who can justly lay any blame upon 

me, because 1 did not give myself up into the hands of them 
that sought after me, nor return and present myself before 
them? This would have been plainly to shew ingratitude 
to the Lord, and to act against His commandment, and in 
contradiction to the practice of the Saints. He who censures 
me in this matter must presume also to blame the great 
Apostle Peter, because though he was shut up and guarded 
by soldiers, he followed the angel that summoned him, and 
when he had gone forth from the prison and escaped in 
safety, he did not return and surrender himself, although he 
heard what Herod had done. Let the Arian in his madness 
censure the Apostle Paul, because when he was let down 
from the wall and had escaped in safety, he did not change 
his mind, and return and give himself up ; or Moses, because 
he returned not out of Midian into Egypt, that he might be 
taken of them that sought after him; or David, because 
when he was concealed in the cave, he did not discover 
himself to Saul. As also the sons of the prophets remained 
in their caves, and did not surrender themselves to Ahab. 
This would have been to act contrary to the commandment, D««t. 6, 
since the Scripture says, Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy 4 \ % 
God. Being careful to avoid such an offence, and instructed §. 26. 
by these examples, I so ordered my conduct ; and 1 do not 
undervalue the favour and the help which have been shewn 
me of the Lord, howsoever these madmen may gnash their 
teeth 1 against me. For since the manner of my retreat was 1 Sent, 
such as I have described, I do not think that any blame Jejaist. 
whatever can attach to it in the minds of those who are P os "^ r *^ 
sessed of a sound judgment: seeing that according to holy 
Scripture, this pattern has been left us by the Saints for our 
instruction. But there is no atrocity, it would seem, which 
these men neglect to practise, nor will they leave any thing 
undone, which may shew their own wickedness and cruelty. 

36. And indeed their lives are only in accordance with their 
spirit and the follies of their doctrine; for there are no sins 

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208 Hie profligate character of the Arians. 

• Apol. that one could charge them with, how heinous soever, that 
Flight, ^° not commit without shame. Leontius 1 , for in- 
' Hist, stance, being censured for his intimacy with a certain 
^28° y oun S woman, named Eustolium, and prohibited from living 
with her, mutilated himself for her sake, in order that he 
might be able to associate with her freely. He did not 
however clear himself from suspicion, but rather on this 
account he was degraded from his rank as Presbyter, 
although the heretic Constantius by violence caused him to 
*p. 60. be named a Bishop. Narcissus 2 , besides being charged 
p?99. man y other transgressions, was degraded three times by 

different Councils ; and now he is the most wicked among 
3 p. 25. them. And George 3 who was a Presbyter, was degraded on 
account of his vices, and although he had nominated himself 
a Bishop, he was nevertheless a second time degraded in the 
great Council of Sardica. And besides all this, his dissolute 
life is notorious, for he is condemned even by his own friends, 
as making the end of existence and happiness to consist in 
the commission of the most disgraceful crimes. 
§. 27. 37. Thus each surpasses the other in his own peculiar vices. 
But there is a common blot that attaches to them all, in that 
through their heresy they are enemies of Christ, and are no 
longer called Christians 1 *, but Arians. They ought indeed to 
accuse each other of the sins they are guilty of, for they are 
contrary to the faith of Christ; but they rather conceal them 
for their own sakes. And it is no wonder, that being possessed 
of such a spirit, and implicated in such vices, they persecute 
and seek after those who follow not the same impious heresy 
as themselves; that they delight to destroy them, and are 
grieved if they fail of obtaining their desires, and think them- 
selves injured, as I said before, when they see those alive, 
whom they wish to perish. May they continue to be injured 
in such sort, that they may lose the power of inflicting injuries, 
and that those whom they persecute may give thanks unto the 
Ps.27,1. Lord, and say in the words of the twenty-sixth Psalm, The 
Lord is my light and my salvation; whom then shall I fear ? 
The Lord is the strength of my life ; of whom then shall I be 
afraid ? When the wicked, even mine enemies and my foes, 

h Vid. supr. p. 149, r. 4. infir. Hist. 64 init. vol. 8. p. 27, note h. pp. reff. 
Arian. $$. 17. 34 fin. 41 init. 59 fin. 85, 1. 179, 4. 182. 188, 4. 194, 2. 

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come upon me to eat up my fleshy they stumbled and fell : Tn. V. 
and again in the thirtieth Psalm, TJwu hast known my $oul ps ^ 
in adversities; Thou hast not shut me up into the hands of 7.8. 9 
my enemies; Thou hast set my feet in a large room; in Christ 
Jesus our Lord, through whom to the Father in the Holy 
Spirit be glory and power for ever and ever. Amen. 


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[ S. Serapion, Bishop of Thmuis, was a friend of St. Anthony's ; to him 
the Sainton his death, which took place shortly hefore the following Letter 
from Athanasius,left one of his sheepskins, leaving the other to S. Atha- 
nasius himself. His fellowship with Athanasius in persecution, has 
gained him the title of Confessor, and his accomplishments and talents 
that of Scholasticus. Jerom. de Vir. Illustr. 99. At his suggestion 
Athanasius about the same date wrote his work upon the divinity of the 
Holy Spirit, addressing it to him. He seems also to have been a cor- 
respondent of Apollinaris. His name is found in the Roman Martyrology 
under March 21. It appears from the commencement of the following 
Letter, written A.D. 358 — 360, that Serapion had asked Athanasius, 
first for a history of his times, next for a refutation of Arianism, and 
thirdly for an account of the death of Arius. The death of Arius is the 
subject of this Letter itself; for the history of his times he refers him to 
his History of Arianism addressed to the Monks, which he sent him at the 
same time ; and the refutation of Arianism, which was also addressed to the 
Monks, has sometimes been supposed to be the four celebrated Orations 
which are his principal dogmatic work. Though in strict order of time 
the Epistles both to Serapion and to the Monks are later than the History, 
and the latter Epistle, as containing scarcely an allusion to the History, 
might easily be detached from it, yet it seems best in a matter of this 
kind to follow the arrangement adopted in the Benedictine Edition.] 

1. Athanasius to Serapion a brother and fellow-minister 
sends health in the Lord. 

1. I have read the letters of your Piety, in which you 
have requested me to make known to you the events of my 

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Arius deceives Constantine by a false oath. 211 

times relating to myself, and to give an account of that most Ta. VI. 
impious heresy of the Arians, in consequence of which I - 2 * 
have endured these sufferings, and also of the manner of the 
death of Arius. With two out of your three demands I have 
readily undertaken to comply, and have sent to your God- 
liness the letter which I wrote to the Monks ; from which 
you will be able to learn my own history as well as that of 
the heresy. But with respect to the other matter, I mean 
the Death, I debated with myself for a long time, fearing lest 
any one should suppose that I was exulting in the death of 
that man. But yet, since a disputation which has taken 
place amongst you concerning the heresy, has issued in 
this question, whether Arius died in communion with the 
Church ; 1 therefore was necessarily desirous of giving an 
account of his death, as thinking that the question would 
thus be set at rest, considering also that by making this 
known I should at the same time silence those who are fond 
of contention. For I conceive that when the wonderful 11 
circumstances connected with his death become known, £217^* 
even those who before questioned it will no longer venture r - 6 « 
to doubt that the Arian heresy is hateful in the sight of 9 ^^- 

God*. 217,?.6. 

2. I was not at Constantinople when he died, but Macarius §. 2. 
the Presbyter was, and I heard the account of it from him. 
Arius had been summoned by the Emperor Constantine, 
through the interest of the Eusebians ; and when he entered 
the presence the Emperor enquired of him, whether he held 
the Faith of the Catholic Church ? And he declared upon 
oath that he held the right 3 Faith, and gave in an account of 3 V** 
his Faith in writing, suppressing the points for which he had 
been cast out of the Church by the Bishop Alexander, and 
speciously 4 alleging expressions out of the Scriptures. When 
therefore he swore that he did not profess the opinions fov 9§fU9H 
which Alexander had excommunicated him, the Emperor 
dismissed him, saying, "If thy Faith be right, thou hast 
done well to swear ; but if thy Faith be impious, and thou 
hast sworn, God judge thee according to thy oath." When 
he thus came forth from the presence of the Emperor, the 
Eusebians with their accustomed violence desired to bring 
him into the Church*. But Alexander the Bishop of Con-*P- w7 « 


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212 Death of Arius 

Epist. stantinople of blessed memory 1 resisted them, saying that 
Skrap tne mventor °f * ne heresy ought not to be admitted to com- 
i p 162> munion ; whereupon the Eusebians threatened, declaring, 
r. 3. « As we have caused him to be summoned* by the Emperor, 
MM.vid. in opposition to your wishes, so to-morrow, though it be 
P 7o'r l contrar y to y° ur desire, Arius shall have communion with us 
P ,T in this Church." It was the Sabbath when they said this. 
§. 3. 3. When the Bishop Alexander heard this, he was greatly 
distressed, and entering into the Church, he stretched forth 
his hands unto God, and bewailed himself; and casting 
3 *^«- himself upon his face in the Chancel 3 , he prayed, lying 
2Q # f ' p * upon the pavement. Macarius also was present, and prayed 
with him, and heard his words. And he besought these two 
things, saying, " If Arius is brought to communion to-morrow, 
let me Thy servant depart, and destroy not the pious with 
the impious ; but if Thou wilt spare Thy Church, (and I 
know that Thou wilt spare,) look upon the words of the 
Eusebians, and give not Thine inheritance to destruction 
4 <J{" and reproach, and take off Arius 4 , lest if he enter into the 
fym. church, th e heresy also may seem to enter with him, and 

5 29 > henceforward impiety 5 be accounted for piety." When the 

Bishop had thus prayed, he retired in great anxiety ; and a 
wonderful and extraordinary circumstance took place. While 
the Eusebians threatened, the Bishop prayed; but Arius, who 
had great confidence in the Eusebians, and talked very wildly, 

6 tU **- urged by the necessities of nature withdrew 6 , and suddenly, 
AStsi m tne language °f Scripture, falling headlong he burst 
l8 ' asunder in the midst, and immediately expired as he lay, 

and was deprived both of communion and of his life 

§. 4. 4. Such was the end of Arius : and the Eusebians, over- 
7 vid. whelmed with shame, buried 7 their accomplice, while the 
6. 10. ' blessed Alexander, amidst the rejoicings of the Church, 
celebrated the Communion with piety and orthodoxy, 
praying with all the brethren, and greatly glorifying God, not 
as exulting in his death, (God forbid !) for it is appointed 
Heb. 9, unto all men once to die, but because this thing had been 
shewn forth in a manner surpassing the expectations of all 
men. For the Lord Himself judging between the threats 
of the Eusebians and the prayer of Alexander, condemned 

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was the condemnation of his heresy. 213 

the Arian heresy, shewing it to be unworthy of communion Tb. VI, 
with the Church, and making manifest to all, that although 4f 5 ' 
it receive the support of the Emperor and of all mankind, 
yet it has been condemned by the Church herself. 

6. Thus this antichristian workshop 1 of the Arian fanatics 1 
has been shewn to be unpleasing to God and impious ; and"^"' 
many of those who before were deceived by it have changed 
their opinions. For none other than the Lord Himself who 
was blasphemed by them has condemned the heresy which 
rose up against Him, and has again shewn, that howsoever 
the Emperor Constantius may now use violence to the 
Bishops in behalf of it, yet it is excluded from the com- 
munion of the Church, and alien from the kingdom of 
heaven 8 . Wherefore also let the question which has arisen 8 
among you be henceforth set at rest ; (for this is the agree- ™ 
ment that was made among you,) and let no one join himself Mat.i8, 
to the heresy, but let even those who have been deceived 
repent. For who shall receive a heresy which the Lord has 
condemned ? And will not he who takes up the support of 
that which He has made excommunicate, be guilty of great 
impiety, and manifestly an enemy of Christ ? 

6. Now this is sufficient to confound the contentious ; §. 5. 
read it therefore to those who before raised this question, as 
well as what I have briefly 3 addressed to the Monks against ^P^ 216 ' 
the heresy, in order that they may be led thereby more 
strongly to condemn the impiety and wickedness of the 
Arian fanatics. Do not however consent to give a copy of 
these letters to any one, neither transcribe them for yourself, 
(I have signified the same to the Monks also 4 ;) but as a*P^ 2 i7, 
sincere friend, if any thing is wanting in what I have written, 
add it, and immediately send them back to me. For you 
will be able to learn from the letter which I have written to 
the Brethren, what pains it has cost me to write it 5 , and also 5 p. 215, 
to perceive that it is not safe for the writings of an indi- r * 2 * 
vidual 6 to be published, (especially if they relate to the 
highest and chief 7 doctrines,) for this reason; — lest what is r ."i. 
imperfectly expressed through infirmity or the obscurity of^Jg*^ 
language, do hurt to the reader. For the majority of men 
do not consider the faith or the aim of the writer 8 , but either 8 P- 130 > 
through envy or a spirit of contention, receive what is 134, r. 4. 

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Epmt. written as themselves choose, according to an opinion which 
Serap. tne y nave previously formed, and misinterpret it to suit their 
i bytmi- pleasure. But the Lord grant that the Truth and a sound 1 
m«t«», j n Qur L or( j j esus Christ may prevail among all, and 

Alex, especially among those to whom you read this. Amen. 


§.6 fin. 

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[The beautiful and striking Letter which follows formed the introduction 
to a work, which the Author, as he says in the course of it, thought 
unworthy of being preserved for posterity. Some critics have supposed 
it to be the Orations against the Arians, which form his greatest work ; 
but this opinion can hardly be maintained, though the discussion of it 
does not belong to this place. The Epistle to the Monks was written in 
358, or later, but before the foregoing Epistle to Serapion.] 

1. To those in every place who are living a monastic life, who §. 1. 
are established in the faith of God, and sanctified in 
Christ, and who say, Behold, we have forsaken all, anrfMat.19, 
followed Thee, brethren dearly beloved and longed for, 27, 
a full greeting in the Lord. 

1. In compliance with your affectionate request, which 
you have frequently urged upon me, I have written a short 
account of the sufferings which ourselves and the Church 
have undergone, refuting, according to my ability, the 
accursed 1 heresy of the Arian fanatics, and proving howV*»t*» 
entirely it is alien from the Truth. And I thought it needful 
to represent to your Piety what pains* the writing of these 8 p. 213, 
things has cost me, in order that you may understand thereby r ' 4 * 
how truly the blessed Apostle has said, O the depth of the 'Rom. 


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216 Impossible to know God's Perfections, 

Epibt. riches both of the wisdom and knowledge of God ; and may 
Monks kindly bear with a weak man such as I am by nature. For 
the more I desired to write, and endeavoured to force myself 
to understand the Divinity of the Word, so much the more 
did the knowledge thereof withdraw itself from me ; and in 
proportion as I thought that I apprehended it, in so much I 
perceived myself to fail of doing so. Moreover also I was 
unable to express in writing even what I seemed to myself 
to understand ; and that which I wrote was unequal to the 
imperfect shadow of the truth which existed in my con- 

§. 2. 2. Considering therefore how it is written in the Book of 
Ecdes. Ecclesiastes, I said, I will be wise, but it was far from me; 
7,23.24. w hich is far off, and exceeding deep, who shall find it 
Ps. 139, out ? and what is said in the Psalms, The knowledge of Thee 
6 ' is too wonderful for me; it is high, I cannot attain unto it; 
Prov. and that Solomon says, It is the glory of God to conceal a 
25> 2 * thing ; I frequently designed to stop and to cease writing; 
1 pp.240, believe me 1 ,! did. But lest I should be found to disappoint 
168 ' you, or by my silence to lead into impiety those who have made 
enquiry of you, and are given to disputation, I constrained 
9 p. 213, myself to write briefly 2 , what I have now sent to your Piety. 
r * 2 * For although a perfect apprehension of the truth is at present 
far removed from us by reason of the infirmity of the flesh ; 
yet it is possible, as the Preacher himself has said, to per- 
ceive the madness of the impious, and having found it, to 
Eccles. say that it is more bitter than death. Wherefore for this 
7 » 26 ' reason, as perceiving this and able to find it out, 1 have 
written, knowing that to the faithful the detection of impiety 
is a sufficient information wherein piety consists. For 
although it be impossible to comprehend what God is, yet it 
is possible to say, what He is not*. And we know that He is 

a This negative character of our make concerning God, relate not to 

knowledge, whether of the Father or His Nature, but to the accompaniments 

of the Son, is insisted on by other of His Nature." Damasc. F. O. i. 4. 

writers. " When we speak of the sub- S. Basil ad Eunom. i. 10. speaks sirai- 

stance of any being, we have to say larly of the negative attributes, (so to 

what it is, not what it is not ; how- speak,) of the Divine Nature, adding, 

ever, as relates to God, it is impossible however, the positive. And St. Austin 

to say what He is as to His substance, says, " Totum ab animo rejicite; quid- 

.... All we can know about the Divine quid occurrerit, negate. . . .dicite turn 

Nature i«, that it is not to be known; est Mud" August. Enarrat. 2. in Psalm 

and whatever positive statements we 26. 8." How," says St. Cyril, "the Fa- 

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or His Son, except negatively. 217 

not as man; and that it is not lawful to conceive of anyTR.vil. 
created 1 nature as existing in Him. So also respecting the 1 2 J 3 ' 
Son of God, although we are by nature very far from being 
able to apprehend Him ; yet it is possible and easy to con- J 01 ^ 
demn the assertions of the heretics concerning Him, and to note e. 
say, that the Son of God is not such ; nor is it lawful even 
to conceive in our minds such things as they speak, con- 
cerning His divinity ; much less to utter them with the lips. 

3. Accordingly I have written as well as I was able; and §. 3. 
you, dearly beloved, receive these communications not as 
containing a perfect exposition of the doctrine of the divinity 

of the Word, but as being merely a refutation of the impiety 
of the enemies of Christ, and as containing and affording to 
those who desire it, suggestions 2 for arriving at a pious and 2 
sound 3 faith in Christ. And if in any thing they are de-?p. 2 i4, 
fective, (and I think they are defective in all respects,) r - *• 
pardon it with a pure conscience, and only receive favourably 
the boldness 4 of my good intentions in support of godliness. 4 « «-,x- 
For an utter condemnation of the heresy of the Arians, it is'*"*" 
sufficient for you to know the judgment which has been 
given by the Lord in the death of Arius, of which you have 
already been informed by others. For the Lord of Hosts Is. 14, 
hath purposed, and who shall disannul it ? and whom the 27 ' 
Lord hath condemned who shall justify 5 ? After such a sign 65 so 
has been given, who does not now acknowledge, that the^i^g. 
heresy is hated of God 7 , however it may have men for its 6 ^ 1 *'"* 
patrons ? 2ii ,?.i. 

4. Now when you have read this account, pray for me >^"^'f ( i" 
and exhort one another so to do. And immediately send it p. 211, 
back to me, and suffer no one whatever to take a copy of it, T ' 2 * 
nor transcribe it for yourselves 8 . But like good money- 8 p. 213, 
changers* be satisfied with the reading; but read it re- 1,3, 
peatedly if you desire to do so. For it is not safe that the 

ther begat the Son, we profess not to Append. Aug. Oper. t. 6. p. 383. 
tell ; only we insist upon its not being b On this celebrated text, as it may 

in this manner or that." Catech. xi. 11. be called, which is cited so frequently 

" Patrem non esse Filium, sed habere by the Fathers, vid. Coteler. in Const. 

Filium qui Pater non sit; Filium non Apol. ii. 36. in Clement. Horn. ii. 51. 

esse Patrem, sed Filium Dei esse na- Potter in Clem. Strom, i. p. 426. Vales, 

turn j sanctum quoque Paracletum esse, in Euseb. Hist. vii. 7. vid. also S. Cyril, 

qui nec Pater sit ipse, nec Filius, sed a Catech. tr. p. 78, note o. 
Patre Filioque procedat. Anonym, in 

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Epi8t. writings of us babblers and private persons 1 should fall into 
Monks tne nan ds of them that shall come after. Salute one another 
*iiwr2$, in love, and also all that come unto you in piety and faith, 
f. 6. 13> -^ or if an V man 9 as tne Apostle has said, love not the Lord, 
Apol. let him be anathema. The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ 
Ar.^*. 9. be with you. Amen. 

supr. p. 
27. §.12. 
p. 30. 
1 Cor. 
16, 22. 

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[Down to the Year 857, the beginning being lost.] 

[The earlier portion of this History, which seems to have commenced with 
the Author's elevation to his see, has not "been preserved, because, as 
Montfaucon conjectures, it was considered hut a repetition of the second 
part of the Apology against the Arians, §. 59 — 84. pp. 88 — 1 16. supr. 
He notices a correspondence even in the words employed in the two 
works, at the place in the Apology where the line of narrative may he 
considered to he taken up hy the opening hut broken sentence of the 
following History. In the beginning of §. 84. of the Apology, supr. p. 1 16, 
towards the end of its second part, Athanasius says, " As such is the 
nature of their machinations, so they very soon shewed plainly the reasons 
of their conduct. For, when they went away, they took the Arians with 
them to Jerusalem, and there admitted them to communion and in the 
beginning, as extant, of the History. " And not long after > they pro- 
ceeded to put in execution the designs for the sake of which they had 
had recourse to these artifices; for they no sooner had formed their plans, 
but they immediately admitted the Arians to communion" vid. also infir. 
p. 220, r. 2. Papebroke, whomTillemont in the main follows, considers that 
the whole Apology formed a sort of third part of the Work addressed to the 
Monks, (the dogmatic treatise being the first of the three.) And in main- 
tenance of this opinion he proposes an ingenious though untenable emend- 
ation of some words in the text of Athanasius, or rather in the notes added 
to the text by his copyists, (in Maii 2. p. 187.) A question has been raised 
about the genuineness of the work before us, under the idea that it probably 
was the writing of a companion of Athanasius, not of the Saint himself. It 
cannot be denied that in parts it is written in a livelier and terser, not to 
say freer, style than his other works, and he speaks of himself in the third 
person. And there is a passage, where, if the text be not corrupt, the 
writer distinguishes himself from Athanasius, §. 52. But on the other hand, 
there is a passage in which he speaks in the first person where none but 
Athanasius can be meant, vid. §. 21. p. 236. And he speaks of himself 
in other works in the third person, e. g. Orat. i. §. 3. Moreover, it is 
plain that the very circumstance that he was not writing in his own 
person would make a considerable alteration in his mode of writing, 
not to dwell on the difference between an apology and what is a history and 
invective. Some instances of agreement in words, phrases, texts, &c. 
are pointed out in the margin and notes.] 



1. .... . And not long after they proceeded to put in §. 1. 

execution the designs for the sake of which they had had 

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Avians sacrifice morality and integrity 

Am an recourse to these artifices ; for they no sooner had formed 
Hl8T ' their plans, but they immediately admitted the Arians to 
communion. They set aside the repeated condemnations 
which had been passed upon them, and again pretended the 
1 p. 246. imperial authority 1 in their behalf. And they were not 
ashamed to say in their letters, " since Athanasius has 
* <ptff##, suffered, all opposition 8 has ceased, and let us henceforward 
twice p. receive the Arians;" adding, in order to frighten their 
116 fin. hearers, * because the Emperor has commanded it.' More- 
over they were not ashamed to add, " for these men profess 
ls.5,20. orthodox opinions;" not fearing that which is written, Woe 
unto them that call bitter sweet, that put darkness for 

3 vol. 8. light 3 ; for they are ready to undertake any thing in support 
Bapr.p. °f tirafr heresy. Now is it not hereby plainly proved to all 
206.r.2. me n, that we both suffered heretofore, and that you now 

persecute us, not under the authority of an Ecclesiastical 

4 infr. sentence 4 , but on the ground of the Emperor's threats, and on 
76# account of our Piety towards Christ? As also they conspired 

in like planner against the Bishops, fabricating charges 
against them also; some of whom are fallen asleep in the 
place of their exile, having attained the glory of Christian 
confession ; and others are at this day banished from their 
country, and contend still more and more manfully against 

Rom. 8, their heresy, saying, Nothing shall separate us from the 

™\>A4S> 9 love of Christ*. 

203. 2. And hence also you may discern its character, and be 
^ # able to condemn it more confidently. The man who is 
their friend and their associate in impiety, although he is 
open to ten thousand charges for other enormities which he 
has committed ; although the evidence and proof against 
him are most clear; he is approved of by them, and 
straightway becomes the friend of the Emperor, obtaining 
favour by his impiety ; and making large gains, he acquires 
confidence before the magistrates to do whatever he desires. 
But he who exposes their impiety, and honestly advocates 
the cause of Christ, though he is pure in all things, though 
he is conscious of no delinquencies, though he meets with 
no accuser; yet on the false pretences which they have 
framed against him, is immediately seized and sent into 
banishment under a sentence of the Emperor, as if he were 

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to the purposes of their party. 221 

guilty of the crimes which they wish to charge upon him, or tr. vin. 
as if, like Naboth, he had blasphemed the king. While he ~ * 
who advocates the cause of their heresy, is sought for and 
immediately sent to take possession of the other's Church ; 1 T % 
and henceforth confiscations and insults, and all kinds of 
cruelty are exercised against those who do not receive him. vid. p. 
And what is the strangest thing of all 1 , the man whom the j?'** 14 
people desire, and know to be blameless*, the Emperor takes i Tim. 
away and banishes ; but him whom they neither desire, nor 3 > 2 « l79 
know, he sends to them from a distant place 3 with soldiers infr. p. ' 
and letters 4 from himself. And henceforward a strong neces- p 
sity is laid upon them, either to hate him whom they love ; 133, r. 
who has been their teacher, and their father in godliness ; 4 p " g, 
and to love him whom they do not desire, and to trust their r# 3 * 
children to one of whose life and conversation and character 
they are ignorant ; or else certainly to suffer punishment, if 
they disobey the Emperor. 

3. In this manner the impious are now proceeding, as §. 3. 
heretofore, against the orthodox ; giving proof of their 
malice and impiety amongst all men every where. For 
granting 6 that they have justly accused Athanasius; yet 5 
what have the other Bishops done ? On what grounds can Apoi. 
they charge them ? Has there been found in their case too J"*^ 
the dead body of an Arsenius? Is there a Presbyter supr. p. 
Macarius, or has a chalice been broken amongst them ? Is 66, 
there a Meletian to play the hypocrite ? No : but as their 
proceedings against the other Bishops shew the charges 
which they have brought against Athanasius, in all pro- 
bability, to be false ; so their attacks upon Athanasius make 

it plain, that their accusations of the other Bishops are 
unfounded likewise. This heresy has come forth upon the 
earth like some wild monster, which not only injures the 
innocent with its words, as with teeth 6 ; but it has also hired 6 ^d. 
external power to assist it in its designs. J^" 7> 

4. And strange it is that, as I said before, no accusation 
is brought against any of them ; or if any be accused, he is 
not brought to trial ; or if a shew of enquiry be made, he is ac- 
quitted against evidence, while the convicting party is plotted 
against, rather than the criminal put to shame. Thus the 7 ^ 9 
whole party of them is full of vileness 7 ; and their spies 8 , for s *« r «- 

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Avians persecute Eustathius, 

am an Bishops 1 they are not, are the vilest of them all. And if 
1 U-lvL an y one amon 8 them desires to become a Bishop, he is not 
** told, a Bishop must be blameless 3 ; but only, " Take up 
3 ^ im * opinions contrary to Christ, and care not for manners. This 
8 p. 221. will be sufficient to obtain favour for you, and friendship 
with the Emperor." Such is the character of those who 
support the tenets of Arius. And they who are zealous for 
the truth, however holy and pure they shew themselves, are 
yet, as I said before, made criminals, whenever these men 
choose, and on whatever pretences it may seem good to 
them to invent. The truth of this, as I before remarked, 
you may clearly gather from their proceedings. 
§. 4. 5. There was one Eustathius 3 , Bishop of Antioch, a Con- 
3 P; 190 > fessor, and sound in the Faith. This man, because he was 

note a. 7 7 

very zealous for the truth, and hated the Arian heresy, and 
would not receive those who adopted its tenets, is falsely 
accused before the Emperor Constantine, and a charge 
invented against him, that he had insulted his mother'. 
And immediately he is driven into banishment, and a great 
number of Presbyters and Deacons with him. And im- 
mediately after the banishment of the Bishop, those whom 
he would not admit into the clerical order on account of 
their impiety were not only received into the Church by 
them, but were eveu appointed the greater part of them to 
be Bishops, in order that they might have accomplices in 
* their impiety. Among these was Leontius the eunuch 4 , now 
*p*208 °^ Anti oc h> and before him Stephanus, George of Laodicea, 
241, and Theodosius who was of Tripolis, Eudoxius of Ger- 
* P?i33. manicia, and Eustathius 6 now of Sebastia. 
^ 5 # 6. Did they then stop here ? No. For Eutropius 3 who 
was Bishop of Adrian ople, a good man, and excellent in all 
respects, because he had often convicted Eusebius, and had 

* If the common slander of the day r»* .Zosim.Hisr.ii.p.78.Con8tantinusex 

concerning St. Helena was imputed to concubina Helena procreatus. Hieron. 

St. Eustathius, Constantine was likely in Chron. Euseb. p. 773. (ed. Yallars.) 

to feel it keenly. " Stabulariam," says Tillemont however maintains, (Empe- 

St. Ambrose, " hano primo fuisse as- rears, t. 4. p. 613.) and Gibbon fully 

serunt,siccognitamConstantio." deOb. admits (Hist. ch. 14. p. 190.) the legi- 

Theod. 42. Stabularia, i.e. an innkeeper; timacy of Constantine. The latter adds, 

so Eahab is sometimes considered to be " Eutropius (x. 2.) expresses in a few 

" cauponaria sive tabernaria et mere- words the real truth, and the occasion 

trix, "Cornel. a Lap. in JosAi.l. ty/uXUg of the error, ( ex obscuriori matrimcnh 

ymmxU «£ #ty*nw rftt xark pipt fmtXJtv ejus Alius.' " 

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Marcellus, Paul, and others. 


advised them who came that way, not to comply with hisTn.viii. 

impious dictates, suffered the same treatment as Eustatbius, — 

and was cast out of his city and his Church. Basilina 1 was 1 Julian's 
the most active in the proceedings against him. And Eu- motber * 
phration of Balanea, Cymatius of Paltus, another Cymatius 
of Taradus, Asclepas of Gaza, Cyrus of Berea* in Syria, 2 qu.Ber- 
Diodorus of Asia, Domnion of Sirmium, and Ellanicus 0 f rhcea? 
Tripolis, were merely known to hate 3 the heresy; and some 3 p. 217, 
of them on one pretence or another, some without any, they r# 7 * 
removed under the authority of royal letters 4 , drove them out 4 p. 221, 
of their cities, and appointed others whom they knew to be r# 3 * 
impious men, to occupy the Churches in their stead. 

7. Of Marcellus 6 the Bishop of Galatia it is perhaps super- §. 6, 
fluous for me to speak; for all men have heard how the*^ 2 ' 
Eusebians, who had been first accused by him of impiety, 
brought a counter-accusation against him, and caused him 

to be banished in his old age. He we$t up 6 to Rome, and 6 AuiAfe, 
there made his defence, and being required by them, he^'f^* 8 
offered a written declaration of his faith, of which theinfr. pp. 

239 r. 3. 

Council of Sardica approved. But the Eusebians made no 242^.4! 

defence, nor, when they were convicted of impiety out of 

their writings, were they put to shame, but rather assumed 

greater boldness against all. For they had interest with the c Jj n ® - 

Emperor through the women 7 , and were formidable to allstantia, 
r e Const,'* 

men. siater. 

8. And I suppose no one is ignorant of the case of Paul 8 , §. 7. 
Bishop of Constantinople ; for the more illustrious any city ^i. 191 ' 
is, so much the more that which takes place in it is not 
concealed. A charge was fabricated against him also. For 
Macedonius his accuser, who has now become Bishop in his 
stead, (I was present myself at the accusation,) afterwards 
held communion with him, and was a Presbyter under Paul 
himself. And yet when Eusebius with an evil eye 9 wished 9 l^ty- 
to seize upon the Bishopric of that city, (he had been 8 u£np'. 
translated in the same manner from Berytus to Nicomedia,) 23, 
the charge was revived against Paul ; and they did not give 

up their plot, but persisted in the calumny. And he was 
banished first into Pontus by Constantine, and a second 
time by Constantius he was sent bound with iron chains to 
Singara in Mesopotamia, and from thence transferred to 

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Martyrdom of Paul. 

Arian Emesa, and a fourth time he was banished to Cucusus in 

- Cappadocia, near the deserts of mount Taurus ; where, as 

those who were with him have declared, he died by 
^Pj 191 > strangulation 1 at their hands. And yet these men who 
never speak the truth, though guilty of this, were not 
ashamed after his death to invent another story, representing 
that he had died from disease ; although all who live in that 
place know the circumstances. And even Philagrius b who 
was then Deputy-Governor 0 of those parts, and represented 
all their proceedings in such manner as they desired, was 
yet astonished at this ; and being grieved perhaps that 
another, and not himself, had done the evil deed, he 
informed Serapion the Bishop as well as many other of our 
friends, that Paul was shut up by them in a very confined 
and dark place, and left to perish of hunger; and when 
after six days they went in and found him still alive, they 
immediately set upon him, and strangled him. 

9. This was the end of his life ; and they said that Philip 
who was Prefect was their agent in the perpetration of this 
murder. Divine Justice however did not overlook this ; for 
not a year had past, when Philip was deprived of his office 
in great disgrace, so that being reduced to a private station, 
he became the mockery of those whom he least desired to 
be the witnesses of his fall. For in extreme distress of 
Gen. 4, mind, a fugitive and a vagabond, like Cain 2 , and expecting 
srfav everv day that some one would destroy him, far from his 
««) country and his friends, he died, like one astounded at his 
g£p- # misfortunes, in a manner that he least desired. Moreover 
"supr. these men spare not even after death those against whom 
they have invented charges whilst living. They are so eager 
to shew themselves formidable to all, that they banish the 
living, and shew no mercy on the dead ; but alone of all the 

b It is remarkable that this Phila- Greg. Orat. 23. 28. St. Athan. how- 

grius, who has been so often mentioned ever wrote on the spot and at the time, 

wjth dishonour in these Tracts of St. and there is nothing inconsistent in his 

Athanasius, as an apostate and a per- being a popular magistrate and an 

secutor, vid. supr. pp. 5, 31 , &c. is repre- enemy of the Church, 

sentedby St. Greg. Naz. as very popular c Vicarius, i. e. " vicarius Praefecti, 

in Alexandria, and as on that account agens vicem Prspfecti;" Gothofred in 

appointed to the prefecture there a Cod. Theod. i. tit. 6. vid. their office, 

second time. He compares his entry &c. drawn out at length, ibid. t. 6. 

into the city on this occasion to that of p. 334. 
St. Athan.'s after banishment, vid. 


p. 161 

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Restoration of the Catholics. 


world they manifest their hatred to them that are departed, tr. viii. 
and conspire against their friends, truly inhuman as they are, /,s ' 
and haters of that which is good, savage in temper beyond 
mere enemies, in behalf of their impiety, who eagerly plot 
the ruin of me and of all the rest, with no regard to truth, 
but by false charges. 

10. Perceiving this to be the case, the three brothers, §. 8. 
Constantine, Constantius, and Constans, caused us all after 
the death of their father to return to our own country and 
Church ; and while they wrote letters concerning the rest to 
their respective Churches, concerning Athanasius they wrote 
the following; which likewise shews the violence of the 
whole proceedings, and proves the murderous disposition, 
of the Eusebian party. 

11. A copy of the Letter of Constantine Cmsar to the people 
of the Catholic Church in the city of the Alexandrians. 

I suppose that it has not escaped the knowledge of your 
pious minds 1 , &c. 1 vid. 

12. This is his letter ; and what more credible witness of 
their conspiracy could there be than this, who knowing A ™n. 
these circumstances has thus written of them ? |ip r / 

p. 121. 


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§.9. I. The Eusebians however, seeing the declension of their 
heresy, wrote to Rome, as well as to the Emperors Con- 
stantine and Constans, to accuse Athanasius : but when the 
persons who were sent by Athanasius disproved the state- 
ments which they had written, they were repulsed with 
disgrace by the Emperors ; and Julius, Bishop of Rome, 
wrote to say that a Council ought to be held, wherever we 
should desire, in order that they might exhibit the charges 
which they had to make, and might also freely defend them- 
selves concerning those things of which they themselves 
were accused. The Presbyters also who were sent by them, 
when they saw themselves making an exposure, requested 
that this might be done. Whereupon these men, whose 
conduct is suspicious in all that they do, when they see that 
they are not likely to get the better in au Ecclesiastical trial, 
betake themselves to Constantius alone, and there bewail them- 
1 #^r«£- selves, as to the patron 1 of their heresy. " Spare,!' they say," the 
Syn. d § e . neres y 5 y° u see that all men have withdrawn from us ; and 

31 127 ver ^ ^ eW °^ US are D0W * e ^' ■^ e ^ n t0 P ersecute > f° r w e are 
P * * being deserted even of those few, and are left destitute. 
Those persons whom we forced over to our side, when these 
men were banished, they now by their return have persuaded 
again to take part against us. Write letters therefore against 
*p. 224, them all, and send out Philagrius a second time 9 as Prefect 
aote b. jjgyp^ f or h e i s a ble to carry on a persecution favourably 
for us, as he has already shewn upon trial, and the more so, 
3**e«- as he is an apostate 3 . Send also Gregory as Bishop to 
Jfj*' Alexandria, for he too is able to strengthen our heresy." 
§. 10. 2. Accordingly Constantius at once writes letters, and 
commences a persecution against all, and sends Philagrius 
as Prefect with one Arsacius an eunuch ; he sends also 
Gregory with a military forcer And the same consequences' 

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Eusebians decline the Council at Rome. 227 

followed as before *. For gathering together 8 a multitude of tr. viii. 
herdsmen and shepherds, and other dissolute youths belong- / n - 
ing to the town, armed with swords and clubs, they attacked the 
in a body the Church which is called the Church of Cyrinus 8 ; mhSon, 
and some they slew, some they trampled under foot, others P- 33 - 
they beat with stripes and cast into prison or banished. ^53^ 
They haled away many women also, and dragged themf^^. 
openly into the court, and insulted them, dragging them by mis. 
the hair. Some they proscribed; from some they took away 
their bread 4 for no other reason, but that they might befvid. 
induced to join the Arians, and receive Gregory who had {53^' 
been sent by the Emperor. 

3. Athanasius however, before these things happened, §. 1L 
at the first report of their proceedings, sailed to Rome, 
knowing the rage of the heretics, and for the purpose of 
having the Council held as had been determined. And 
Julius wrote letters to them, and sent the Presbyters 
Elpidius and Philoxenus 5 , appointing a day 6 , and saying, 5 p. 39. 
that either they must come, or consider themselves as^J - **" 
altogether suspected persons. But as soon as the Eusebians supr. p. 
heard that the trial was to be an Ecclesiastical one, at which 45) r * 4 * 
no Count would be present 7 , nor soldiers stationed before the 7 pp. 26, 
doors, and that the proceedings would not be regulated by 249,r ' 8 ' 
royal order, (for they have always depended upon these 
things to support them against the Bishops, and without 
them they have no boldness even to speak ;) they were so 
alarmed that they detained the Presbyters till after the 
appointed time, and pretended this indecent excuse, that 

they were not able to come now on account of the war 
which was begun by the Persians 6 . But this was not the 8 p. 46, 
true cause of their delay, but the fears of their own con- r * 1# 
sciences. For what have Bishops to do with war ? Or if 9 1 Pet. 
they were unable on account of the Persians to come tO\o T ^. 
Rome, although it is at a distance and beyond sea, why did*"^s 
they like lions 9 traverse 10 the parts of the East and those Fnfr.p! 
which are near the Persians, seeking who was opposed to^ t n . 2< 
them, that they might falsely accuse and banish them ? §. 22. iii 

4. However when they had dismissed the Presbyters with r 11 ' 8 ^" 
this improbable excuse, they said to one another, " Since 

we are unable to get the advantage in an Ecclesiastical trial, 


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228 Cruelties of Gregory at Alexandria. 

Ahian let us exhibit our usual audacity." Accordingly they write 

L to Philagrius, and cause him after a while to go out with 

Gregory into Egypt. Whereupon the Bishops are severely 

1 pp. 61, scourged and cast into chains 1 ; Sarapammon, for instance, 
fts Bishop and Confessor, they drive into banishment ; Potam- 

mon, Bishop and Confessor, who had also lost an eye in the 
persecution, they beat with stripes on the back so cruelly, 
that he appeared to be dead before they came to an end. 
In which condition he was cast aside, and hardly after some 
hours, being carefully attended and fanned, he revived, God 
granting him his life ; but a short time after he died of the 
sufferings caused by the stripes, and attained in Christ to 
the glory of a second martyrdom. And besides these, how 
many monks were scourged, while Gregory sat by with 
Balacius the Duke ! how many Bishops were wounded ! 
how many virgins were beaten! 
§. 13. 5. After this the wretched Gregory called upon all men to 

2 P» 8 « have communion with him 9 ; but if thou didst demand of them 

communion, they were not worthy of stripes : and if thou did 
scourge them as if evil persons, why didst thou ask it of them 
as if holy ? But he had no other end in view, except to 
fulfil the designs of them that sent him, and to establish the 
heresy. Wherefore he became in his folly a murderer and 

3 W^**. an executioner 3 , injurious, crafty, and profane ; in one word, 
fin. 247, an enemy of Christ. He so cruelly persecuted the Bishop's 
r * 2< aunt, that even when she died he would not suffer her to be 
4 p. i78, Dur i e( j4 And this would have been her lot; she would have 

§.27 fin. . 

been cast away without burial, had not they who attended 
on the corpse carried her out as one of their own kindred. 
Thus even in such things he shewed his profane temper. 
And again when the widows and other mendicants* had 
received alms, he commanded what had been given them to 
be seized, and the vessels in which they carried their oil and 
wine to be broken, that he might not only shew impiety by 
robbery, but in his deeds dishonour the Lord ; from whom 
vid. very shortly b he will hear those words, Inasmuch as thou hast 
Mat.2o, jjfogkQnQuyed these, thou hast dishonoured Me. 

* AngA**, vid. infr. §. 60. Tillemont b Un Mr*, vid. p. 245, r. 4. George 

translates it, prisoners. Montfaucon was pulled to pieces by the populace, 

has been here followed; vid. Collect. A.D.362. This was written A. V. 358, 

Nov. t. 2. p. xliii. or later. 

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Profaneness of Gregory and death of Balacius. 


6. And many other things he did, which exceed the power tb. viil 
of language to describe, and which whoever should hear would ' * 
think to be incredible. And the reason why he acted thus 
was, because he had not received his ordination according to 
ecclesiastical rule, nor had been called to be a Bishop by 
apostolical tradition 1 *; but had been sent out from court with 
military power and pomp, as one entrusted with a secular 
government Wherefore he boasted rather to be the friend 
of Governors, than of Bishops and Monks. Whenever there- 
fore Father Antony wrote to him from the mountains, as godli- 
ness is an abomination to a sinner, so he abhorred the letters 
of the Saint. But whenever the Emperor, or a General, or 
other magistrate, sent him a letter, he was as much overjoyed 
as those in the Proverbs, of whom the Word has said indig- 
nantly, Woe unto them who leave the paths of uprightness ; Prov. 2, 
who rejoice to do evil, and delight in the frowardness of the s^**" 
wicked. And so he honoured with presents the bearers of 
these letters ; but once when Antony wrote to him he caused 
Duke Balacius to spit upon the letter, and to cast it from 
him. But Divine Justice did not overlook this ; for no long 
time after, when the Duke was on horseback, and on his way 
to the first halt 0 , the horse turned his head, and biting him 
on the thigh, threw him off ; and after three days he died. 

b He had neither apostolical call- c vid. supr. p. 50, note h. 

ing, nor canonical ordination, for he This halt or station which lay up the 

was a layman, nominated to his see by Nile was called Cereu, (A than. V. Ant. 

the Emperor, and that, when there was §. 86.) or Chsereus, or the land or pro- 

a lawful occupant, and consecrated by perty of Chsereus, vid. Naz. Orat. 21, 

heretics. " Tradition" and " Canon" 29. who says it was the place where 

seem used nearly as synonymous, p. 249, the people met Athanasius on bis return 

r. 6. from exile on Coostantius's death. 

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§. 15. 1. While they were proceeding in like measures towards 

1 p. 14, all, at Rome about fifty Bishops assembled 1 , and denounced 
note b. ^ Eusebians, as persons suspected, afraid to come, and also 

condemned as unworthy of credit the written statement they 

2 and p. had sent; but us they received, and gladly embraced* our 
hy&*n- communion. While these things were taking place, a report 
m. vid. 0 f the Council held at Rome, and of the proceedings against 
p. 39, r! the Churches at Alexandria, and through all the East, came 
5.p.60, tQ ^ hearing of the Emperor Constans 3 . He writes to his 

3 p. 158, brother Constantius, and immediately they both determine 4 
°infr?§. t^ at a Council shall be called, aud matters be brought to 
60 - a settlement, so that those who had been injured may be 

released from further suffering, and the injurious be no 
longer able to perpetrate such outrages. Accordingly there 
assemble at the city of Sardica both from the East and West 
to the number of one hundred and seventy Bishops % more 
or less ; those who came from the West were Bishops only, 
* *158 having Hosius for their father 6 , but those from the East 
Snd ' brought with them instructors of youth and advocates, 
i-SArf* ^ ount Musonianus 6 , and Hesychius 6 the Castrensian; on 
xo*»t, whose account they came with great alacrity, thinking that 
255 256. Gver y thing would be again managed by their authority. 
6 p. 59, For thus by means of these persons they have always shewn 

notes 3» • 

b# ' themselves formidable to * any whom they wished to inti*- 
midate, and have prosecuted their designs against whom- 
soever they chose. But when they arrived and saw that the 

* vid. sapr. p. 78, note o. Mont- 
faucon argues in the Addenda in his 
Pr«f. p. xxxiv. from the subscriptions 
in St Hilary, p. 1292. that the Bishops 
whose signatures occur without pro- 
vinces annexed, (supr. p. 76.) were the 
Bishops present — whereas those who 
were absent signed with a mention of 
their provinces. Accordingly he con- 

siders the number of orthodox to be 86; 
to which if we add the 70 or 80 Euse- 
bians, we approximate to the number 
170. If the parties were so nearly 
matched, it is very remarkable that the 
Eusebians should withdraw. But they 
had the Pope, Athanasius, and Hosius 
against them. 

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Secession of the Eusebians at Sardica. 281 

cause was to be conducted as simply an ecclesiastical one, tb. vdl 

without the interference of the Count or of soldiers ; when — - 

they saw the accusers who came from every church and city, 
and the evidence which was brought against them, when 
they saw the venerable Bishops Arms and Asterius 1 , who 1 ?. 233, 
came up in their company, withdrawing from them and notea 
siding with us, and giving an account of their profligate 
conduct; as their whole proceedings had been suspicious, 
so now they fear the consequences of a trial, lest they should 
be convicted by us of being false informers, and it should be 
discovered by those whom they produced in the character of 
accusers, that they had themselves suggested all they were to 
say, and were the contrivers of the plot. 

2. Perceiving this to be the case, although they had come 
with great zeal, as thinking that we should be afraid to meet 
them, yet now when they saw our alacrity, they shut them- 
selves up in the Palace b , (for they had their abode there,) 
and proceeded to confer with one another in the following 
manner, "We came hither for one result; and we see in 
prospect another ; we arrived in company with Counts, and 
the trial is proceeding without them. We are certainly con- 
demned. You all know the orders that have been given. 
The Athanasians have the reports of the proceedings in the 
Mareotis 2 , by which he is cleared, and we are covered with 2 pp. 47, 
disgrace. Why then do we delay ? why are we so slow ? J)^ 16 ' 
Let us invent some excuse and be gone, or we shall be 
condemned if we remain. It is better to suffer the shame of 
fleeing, than the disgrace of being convicted as false accusers. 

If we flee, we shall find some means of defending our heresy ; 
and even if they condemn us for our flight, still we have the 
Emperor as our patron 8 , who will not suffer the people to 3 p. 226, 
expel us from the Churches." Tf lm 

3. They reasoned with themselves in this manner: and§. 16. 

b The wordPalatiam sometimes stands might not lodge in it, except there 
for the space or limits set apart in cities was no Prsetorium, vii. 10. 2. Gothofr. 
for the Emperor, Cod. Theod.xv. 1. 47. in vii. 10, 1. enumerates (with refer- 
sometimes for the buildings upon it, encesj the Palatia in Antioch, Daph- 
ibid. vii. 10, 2. which were one of the ne, Constantinople, Heraclea, Milan, 
four public works mentioned in the Treves, &c. It was a great mark then 
Laws. ibid. xv. 1. 35. and 36. None of imperial favour that the Eusebians 
but great officers of state were admitted were accommodated in the Palatium 
into it. xv. 1. 47. Even the judges at Sardica. 

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282 Proceedings of the Council of Sardica. 

A man Hosius and all the other Bishops repeatedly signified to them 
Hl8T ' the alacrity of the Athanasians, saying, 4 They are ready with 
their defence, and pledge themselves to prove you false 
accusers. 9 They said also, i If you fear the trial, why did 
you come to meet us? either you ought not to have come, or 
now that you have come, not to flee.' When they heard this, 
being still more alarmed, they had recourse to an excuse 
* p. 227, even more indecent than that they pretended at Antioch 1 , 
T% 8 * viz. that they betook themselves to flight because the Emperor 
had written to them the news of his victory over the Persians. 
And this excuse they were not ashamed to send by Eusta- 
thius a Presbyter of the Sardican Church. Nevertheless 
their flight did not succeed according to their wishes ; for 
immediately the holy Council, of which the great Hosius was 
president, wrote to them plainly, saying, " Either come for- 
ward and answer the charges which are brought against you, 
for the false accusations which you have made against others, 
or know that the Council will condemn you as guilty, and 
declare Athanasius and his friends free and clear from all 
blame." Whereupon they were rather impelled to flight by 
the alarms of conscience, than to compliance with the pro- 
posals of the letter : for when they saw those who had been 
injured by them, they did not even turn their faces to listen 
to their words, but fled with greater speed. 
§. 17. 4. Under these disgraceful and unseemly circumstances 
their flight took place. And the holy Council, which had 
9 pp. 14, been assembled out of more than five and thirty provinces 2 , 
' r ' * perceiving the malice of the Arians, admitted the Athanasian 
party to answer to the charges which they had brought 
against them, and to declare the sufferings which they had 
undergone. And when they had thus made their defence, 
as we said before, they approved and so highly admired their 
3 p. 230, conduct, that they gladly embraced 3 our communion, and 
wrote letters to all quarters, to the diocese of each, and 
especially to Alexandria, and Egypt, and the Libyas, declar- 
ing Athanasius and his friends to be innocent, and free from 
all blame, and their opponents to be calumniators, evil-doers, 
4 P^8,and every thing rather thau Christians 4 . Accordingly they 
s p. 75. dismissed them in peace; but deposed 5 Stephanus and Meno- 
phantus, Acacius and George of Laodicea, Ursacius and 

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Arian Persecution after Sardica. 233 

Valens, Theodorus and Narcissus. And against Gregory tr. viii. 

who had been sent to Alexandria by the Emperor, they put : 

forth a proclamation to the effect that he had never been 
made a Bishop, and that he ought not to be called a Chris- 
tian 1 . They therefore declared the ordinations which he 'p. 68. 
professed to have conferred to be void, and commanded % not 
that they should not be even named in the Church, on*°J^ 
account of their novel and illegal nature. Thus Athanasius but in 
and his friends were dismissed in peace (the letters concern- 
ing them are inserted at the end on account of their length 9 ) ; Ar.supr. 
and the Council was dissolved. 76. 60 "" 

5. But the deposed persons, who ought now to have§. 18. 
remained quiet, with those who had separated after so dis- 
graceful a flight, were guilty of such conduct, that their 
former proceedings appear trifling in comparison of these. 

For when the people of Adrianople would not have com- 
munion with them, as men who had fled from the Council, 
and had been declared guilty, they carried their complaints 
to the Emperor Constantius, and succeeded in causing ten 
of the laity to be beheaded, belonging to the Manufactory of 
arms 3 there, Fhilagrius, who was there again as Count, 3 de Fa- 
assisting their designs in this matter also. The tombs ofJ™§ 0 . 
these persons, which we have seen in passing by, are in front thofr. 
of the city. Th eod ; 

6. Then as if they had been quite successful, because *• 21 • 
they had fled lest they should be convicted of false accu- 
sation, they prevailed with the Emperor to command whatso- 
ever they wished to be done. Thus they caused two Pres- 
byters and three Deacons to be banished from Alexandria 
into Armenia. As to Arius and Asterius, the former Bishop 

of Petrae c in Palestine, the latter Bishop in Arabia, who had 

c This seems to be the famous it Reland observes, Palestine, p. 928, 

Petra, the capital of Edom, which has (in answer to Cellarius, who considered 

lately been discovered by travellers ; in consequence that there were two 

Edom being formed into the Province Petra, Le Quien Orien. Christ, t. 3. 

Tertia Palestina, or at least called pp. 665. 666.) that as there is already 

Palestine, about or soon after the time one error of text in this passage (as it 

of St. Athanasius. But a difficulty appears), of Arius for Macarius, so the 

arises from a passage in the Tomus ad word Petra may have fallen into the 

Antioch. §. 10. where Asterius, the wrong place, instead of " the one of Pa- 

fellow-sufferer with Arius, (or Maca- lestine, the other of Petra of Arabia j" 

riu8, a* he is called supr. p. 74.) is said or that Petra may be a marginal note, 

to be Bishop of Petra? of Arabia, as if the which has been incorporated with the 

Petra of Palestine were distinct from text in the wrong place, as is con- 

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234 Tyrannical measures against (he Alexandrians. 

Ariam withdrawn from their party, they not only banished into 
Hl8T ' upper Libya, but also caused them to be treated with insult ; 
§.19. and as to Lucius 1 , Bishop of Adrianople, when they saw that 
note f 9 usec ^ & rea * boldness of speech against them, and exposed 
p. 190. their impiety, they again, as they had done before, caused 
him to be bound with iron chains on the neck and hands, 
and so drove him into banishment, where he died, as they 
»of Te- know. And Diodorus the Bishop 9 they transported from his 
v?d°pp. pl ace > but against Olympius of iEni, and Theodulus of 
76, 223. Trajanople 3 , both Bishops of Thrace, good and orthodox 
not/g.' men > when they perceived their hatred of the heresy, they 
brought false charges. 

7. This the party of Eusebius had done first of all, and 
the Emperor Constantius wrote letters on the subject ; and 
4 Aca- next these men 4 revived the accusation. The purport of the 
^°p B letters was, that they should not only be expelled from their 
^'g' 1 ' cities and churches, but should suffer capital punishment, 
7,note p. wherever they were discovered. However surprising this 
conduct may be, it is only in accordance with their prin- 
ciples; for as being instructed by the Eusebians in such 
proceedings, and as heirs of their impiety and evil principles, 
they wished to shew themselves formidable at Alexandria, as 
their fathers had done in Thrace. They caused an order to 
be written, that the ports and gates of the cities should be 
watched, lest availing themselves of the permission granted 
by the Council, the banished persons should return to their 
churches. They also cause orders to be sent to the magis- 
trates at Alexandria, respecting Athanasius and certain Pres- 
nhisac-byters, named therein, that if either the Bishop 5 , or any of 
forAth.'s ^ e ot hers, should be found coming to the city or its borders, 
caution, the magistrate should have power to behead those who were 

80, and firmed by the ran of the passage supr. Epistle, but in the Historia Arianor. 

236, r.5. p. 74. and by passages to which he re- §. 18." Palest, vol. 2. p. 665. But these 

fers in St. Hilary. He observes more- were but two titles of the same work, 

over, on the improbability of the silence till Montfaucon more correctly confined 

of Eusebius, St. Jerome, the acts of the former to the short introduction to a 

Councils, and ancient Notitiffi, suppos- lost dogmatic work which is prefixed to 

ing there were two Petrse. Dr. Robin- the History, (vid. supr. pp. 210, 216, and 

son, who in his recent elaborate and note of Amanuensis in Calc. Hist.) yet 

useful work on Palestine, referring to even Montf. calls the History, " Ep. ad 

Beland, observes, that " the passage [in Sol." Notes, torn. 1 . p. 150, 151 . correct- 

the text] is usually referred to as con- ing himself in Prsef. xxxiii. And it is 

tained in the * Epist. ad solitariam Vi- called " Epistle to the Solitaries" by 

tam agentes,* though in the Benedictine Ceillier even since Montfaucon. 
Edition at least, it is found, not in that 

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Plot against the Catholic Legates at Antioch. 235 

so discovered. Thus this new Jewish heresy 1 does not only tr. viii. 
deny the Lord, but has also learnt to commit murder. r^nf 

8. Yet even after this they did not rest ; but as the father p . 4. 
of their heresy goeth about 9 like a lion, seeking whom he §• 20. 
may devour, so these obtaining the use of the public posts 3 
went about, and whenever they found any that reproached vid ^ u 
them with their flight, and that hated the Arian heresy, they? p . ioo 7 
scourged them, cast them into chains, and caused them to be note y * 
banished from their country ; and they rendered themselves 

so formidable, as to induce many to dissemble, many to fly 
into the deserts, rather than willingly even to have any 
dealings with them. Such were the enormities which their 
madness prompted them to commit after their flight. 

9. Moreover they perpetrate another outrageous act, which 
is indeed in accordance with the character of their heresy, but 
is such as was never heard of before, nor is likely soon to 
take place again, even among the more dissolute of the 
Gentiles 4 , much less among Christians. The holy Council 4 pp. 9, 
had sent as Legates the Bishops Vincentius 5 of Capua, (this- 1 ^ 236, 
is the Metropolis of Campania,) and Euphrates of Agrippina 6 ,|- 64. 
(this is the Metropolis of Upper Gaul,) that they might no t e c . ' 
obtain the Emperor's consent to the decision of the Council,? Co * 

. logne. 

that the Bishops should return to their Churches, inasmuch 
as he was the author of their expulsion. The most religious 
Constans had also written to his brother 7 , and supported the 7 ^fr» 
cause of the Bishops. But these admirable men, who are** 60 " 
equal to any act of audacity, when they saw the two Legates 
at Antioch, consulted together and formed a plot, which 
Stephanus 8 undertook by himself to execute, as being a 8 Bishop 
suitable instrument for such purposes. Accordingly they^och^p, 
hire a common harlot, even at the season of the most holy 6°> r « 6. 
Easter, and stripping her introduce her by night into the 
apartment of the Bishop Euphrates. The harlot who 
thought that it was a young man who had sent to invite 
her, at first willingly accompanied them; but when they 
thrust her in, and she saw the man asleep and unconscious 
of what was going on, and when presently she distinguished 
his features, and beheld the face of an old man, and the 
figure of a Bishop, she immediately cried aloud, and declared 
that violence was used towards her. They desired her to be 

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Constantius^ change of mind. 

Abian silent, and to lay a false charge against the Bishop ; and so 
Hl8T ' when it was day, the matter was noised abroad, and all the 

note^ 1 ' C ^ 11111 together; and those who came from the Palace 1 were 
in great commotion, wondering at the report which had been 
spread abroad, and demanding that it should not be passed 
by in silence. An enquiry therefore was made, and her 

2 irmp- master 8 gave information concerning those who came to 

****** fetch the harlot, and these informed against Stephanus; 
for they were his Clergy. Stephanus therefore is deposed, 
and Leontius the eunuch 3 appointed in his place, only that 

24T!note*k e Arian heresy may not want a supporter. 

*• 10. And now the Emperor Constantius, feeling some 

* compunctions, returned to a right 4 mind; and concluding 
from their conduct towards Euphrates, that their attacks 
upon the others were of the same kind, he gives orders that 
the Presbyters and Deacons who had been banished from 
Alexandria into Armenia should immediately be released. 
He also writes publicly to Alexandria commanding that the 
clergy and laity who were friends of Athanasius should suffer 
no further persecution. And when Gregory died about ten 
months after, he sends for Athanasius with every mark of 
honour, writing to him no less than three times a very 

* pp. 79, friendly letter 5 , in which he exhorted him to take courage 
and come. He sends also a Presbyter and a Deacon, that 
he may be still further encouraged to return ; for he thought 

6 vid. p. that, through alarm at what had taken place before, I 6 did 
not care to return. Moreover he writes to his brother 
Constans, that he also would exhort me to return. And he 
affirmed that he had been expecting Athanasius a whole 
year, and that he would not permit any change to be made, 
or any ordination to take place, as he was preserving the 
Churches for Athanasius their Bishop. 

§. 22. 11. When therefore he wrote in this strain, and encouraged 
him by means of many, (for he caused Polemius, Datianus, 

7 p. 166, Bardion, Thalassus 7 , Taurus 8 , and Florentius, his Counts, in 

8At*Ari- w hom Athanasius could best confide, to write also;) Atha- 

minum. nasius committing the whole matter to God, who had stirred 
the conscience of Constantius to do this, came with his 
friends to him ; and he gave him a favourable audience, and 
sent him away to go to his country and his Churches, 

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Letters of Constantius in behalf of Athanasius. 237 

writing at the same time to the magistrates in the several tr. viii. 
places, that whereas he had before commanded the ways to — = ^- : 
be guarded, they should now grant him a free passage. 
Then when the Bishop complained of the sufferings he had 
undergone, and of the letters which the Emperor had written 
against him, and besought him that the false accusations 
against him might not be revived by his enemies after his 
departure, saying, " If you please, summon these persons ; 
for as far as we are concerned they are at liberty to stand 
forth, and we will expose their conduct ;" he would not do 
this, but commanded that whatever had been before 
slanderously written against him should all be destroyed 
and obliterated, affirming that he would never again listen 
to any such accusations, and that his purpose was fixed and 
unalterable. This he did not simply say, but sealed his 
words with an oath, calling upon God to be witness of them. 
And so encouraging him with many other words, and de- 
siring him to be of good courage, he sends the following 
letters to the Bishops and Magistrates. 

12. Constantius Augustus, the Great, the Conqueror, to §. 23. 
the Bishops and Clergy of the Catholic Church. 

The most Reverend Athanasius has not been deserted by 

the grace of God ! , &c. 1 


Another Letter. 

From Constantius to the people of Alexandria. 64# 
r r supr. p. 

Desiring as we do your welfare in all respects 8 , &c. 82.^ 


Another Letter. contr. 

. -~ Arian. 

Constantius Augustus, the Conqueror, to Nestonus, Pre- $ . 56. 

feet of Egypt. JJf-P- 

It is well known that an order was heretofore given by us, 
and that certain documents are to be found prejudicial to 
the character of the most reverend Bishop Athanasius ; and 
that these exist among the Orders 3 of your worship. Now3 or Ac- 
we desire your Prudence, of which we have good proof, to J* ™^ 
transmit to our Court, in compliance with this our order, all supr. p. 
the letters respecting the fore-mentioned person, which are 84, 
found in your Order-Book 3 . 

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238 Return of Athanasius from second exile. 

Arian 13* The following is the letter which he wrote after the 
HlST * death of the blessed Constans. It was written in Latin, and 
Mother* 8 here translated into Greek 1 . 

trans- t 

lation, Constantius Augustus, the Conqueror, to Athanasius. 

p. 174. 

It is not unknown to your Prudence, that it was my 
constant prayer, that prosperity might attend my late 
brother Constans in all his undertakings ; and your wisdom 
may therefore imagine how greatly I was afflicted when I 
learnt that he had been taken off by most unhallowed hands. 
Now whereas there are certain persons who at the present 
time endeavour to alarm you by that so melancholy event, I 
have therefore thought it right to address this letter to your 
Constancy, to exhort you that, as becomes a Bishop, you 
would teach the people those things which pertain to the 
service of God, and that, as you are accustomed to do, you 
would employ your time in prayers together with them, and 
not give credit to vain rumours, whatever they may be. 
For our fixed determination is, that you should continue, 
agreeably to our desire, to perform the office of a Bishop in 
your own place. May Divine Providence, preserve you, 
4 fnZ most beloved Father*, many years. 

§. 25. 14. Under these circumstances, when they had at length 
taken their leave, and commenced their journey, those who 
were friendly to them rejoiced to see their friend ; but of the 
other party, some were confounded at the sight of himj 
others not having the confidence to appear, hid themselves ; 
and others repented of what they had written against the 
Bishop. Thus all the Bishops of Palestine, except some 
two or three, and those men of suspected character, so 
willingly received Athanasius, and embraced communion 

*p.85. with him 3 , that they wrote to excuse themselves, on the 
ground that in what they had formerly written, they had 

* *mtk acted, not according to their own wishes 4 , but by compulsion, 
Qf tne Bishops of Egypt and the Libyan provinces, of the 
laity both of those countries and of Alexandria, it is super- 
fluous for me to speak. They all ran together, and were 
possessed with unspeakable delight, that they had not only 
received their friends alive contrary to their hopes ; but that 

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Recantation of Ursacius and Valens, 239 

they were also delivered from the heretics who were asTR.viu. 
tyrants and as raging dogs towards them. Accordingly — 1 — - 
great was their joy, the people in the congregations 
encouraging one another in virtue. How many unmarried 
women, who were before ready to enter upon marriage, now 
remained virgins to Christ ! How many young men, seeing 
the examples of others, embraced the monastic life ! How 
many fathers persuaded their children, and how many 
were urged by their children, to submit themselves to 
Christian discipline 1 ! How many wives persuaded their 1 
husbands, and how many were persuaded by their husbands, p!*202, 
to give themselves to prayer, as the Apostle has spoken ! r * 2 - 
How many widows and how many orphans, who were before 
hungry and naked, now through the great zeal of the people, 
were no longer hungry, and went forth clothed ! Tn a word, 
so great was their emulation in virtue, that you would have 
thought every family and every house a Church, by reason 
of the goodness of its inmates, and the prayers which were 
offered to God* And in the Churches there was a profound 
and wonderful peace, while the Bishops wrote from all 
quarters, and received from Athanasius the customary letters 
of peace* 

15. Moreover Ursacius and Valens, as if suffering the§. 26. 
scourge of conscience, came to another mind, and wrote to 
the Bishop himself a friendly and peaceable letter 3 , although 2 p. 86, 
they had received no communication from him. And going e q ' 
up 3 to Rome they repented, and confessed that all their pro- 3 «wx- 
ceedings and assertions against him were founded in false- JTSS' r, 
hood and mere calumny. And they not only voluntarily did ^39. 
this, but also anathematized the Arian heresy, and presented 242, 
a written declaration of their repentance, addressing to the^ auli * 
Bishop Julius the following letter in Latin, which has been supr. p. 
translated into Greek. The Latin copy was sent to us byp 6 a " ulia- 
Paul 4 Bishop of Tibur. ™ 8 ? P- 

Translation from the Latin. supr. p. 


Ursacius and Valens to my 5 Lord the most blessed Pope 6 

T V Apol. 

JullUS. contr. 

Whereas it is well known that we 6 , &c, supr. p 8 , 


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240 Triumph of Athanasius. 

A£tan Translation from the Latin. 

l **tftf The Bishops Ursacius and Valens to my 1 Lord and^Brother, 
JJJJ^ the Bishop Athanasius. 


jyid. Having an opportunity of sending 8 , &c. 


§°58 Ar After W "^ n & tnese > Aey also subscribed the letters of 
rapr. p. peace which were presented to them by Peter and Irenaeus, 
8# Presbyters of Athanasius, and by Ammonius a layman, who 
were passing that way, although Athanasius had sent no 
communication to them by these persons. 
§. 27. 16. Now who was not filled with admiration at witness- 
ing these things, and the great peace that prevailed in the 
Churches? who did not rejoice to see the concord of so 
many Bishops ? who did not glorify the Lord, beholding the 
delight of the people in their assemblies ? How many enemies 
repented ! How many excused themselves who had formerly 
accused him falsely ! How many who formerly hated him, 
now shewed affection for him ! How many of those who had 
3 *«xj»«- written against him, recanted 3 their assertions! Many also 
^""who had sided with the Arians, not through choice but by 
necessity, came by night and excused themselves. They 
anathematized the heresy, and besought him to pardon them, 
because, although through the plots and calumnies of these 
men they appeared bodily on their side, yet in their hearts 
they held communion with Athanasius, and were always 
*pp.i58, with him. Believe me, this is true 4 . 



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1. But the inheritors 1 of the opinions and impiety of the §. 28. 
Eusebians, the eunuch Leon this*, who ought not to remain * p ^ 234 > 
in communion even as a layman*, because he mutilated himself 2 Can. 
that he might henceforward be at liberty to sleep with one^t ^id! 
Eustolium 3 , who is a wife as far as he is concerned, but isMorin. 
called a virgin; and George and Acacius, and Theodoras, B . iss. * 
and Narcissus, who were deposed by the Council; when P' 208 - 
they heard and saw these things, were greatly ashamed. 
And when they perceived the unanimity and peace that 
existed between Athanasius and the Bishops; (they were 
more than four hundred 4 , from great Rome, and all Italy, 4 after 
from Calabria, Apulia, Campania, Bruttia, Sicily, Sardinia, ^Tp!*' 

78, note 

in which a youth persuades his hride, °* 
it mbrn v*» <rettr£ii , «-J <r{"rp rZt ydpvt 
hpl& tiist. iv. 12.' Another is the 
instance so beautifully related by St. 
Gregory of Tours, in which the bride 
persuades her husband ; " puella, gra- 
viter contristata, aversa ad parietem, 

* Various writers have treated on the 
subject of that great scandal of the 
early centuries, the ftnutmxrau. The 
most charitable account of it is to 
be found in the unprotected state of 
women dedicated to a single life when 
or where Convents did not exist " She 
says that she has no protector, husband, 
guardian, father, nay, nor brother, 
&c. Chrysost. ap. Basn. Dissert, vii. 
19. ad Ann. Eccles. t. 2. And the ex- 
ample of the Holy and Blessed Virgin 
was adduced, whom our Lord consigned 
to the care of St John, Epiph. Hsr. 78. 
11. which the Nicene Council so far ac- 
knowledged that it dispensed with its 
prohibition in favour of mother, sister, 
aunt, or other person, to whom no sus- 
picion could attach. Nay, even in 
the case of the atrocious extra va - 

fance, which St. Cyprian repro- 
ates, Ep. 62. (ed. Ben.) and which 
in a still more perverted and shock- 
ing form is spoken of in the text, it 
must be recollected that it was not un- 
known to primitive times for husband 
and wife to vow continency and yet to 
cohabit Theodoret gives an instance 

amarissime flebat," till " tunc ille, ar- 
matus crucis vexillo, ait, Faciam qu« 
hortaris, et datis inter se dextris, qui- 
everunt." He adds, " Multos postea in 
uno strata recumbentes annos, vixerunt 
cum castitate laudabili." Hist. Franc, 
i. 42. What was found possible in the 
married, others had the indecency and 
wiidness to attempt in the single state. 
On the 9wuv*»rw y vid. Mosheim de Re- 
bus Ante Const, p. 599. Bouth, Reliqu. 
Sacr. t. 2. p. 506. t. 3. p. 445. Basnag. 
Diss. vii. 19. in Ann. Eccles. t. 2. 
Muratori Anecdot. Grcec. p. 218. Dod- 
well, Dissert Cyprian, iii. Bevereg. in 
Can. Nic. 3. Suicer. Thesaur. in voc. 
&c.&c. It is conjectured by Beveridge, 
Dodwell, Van Espen, &c. that Leontius 
gave occasion to the first Canon of the 
Nicene Council, n(i vSn toX/m^vm* 
\avr§vs Inrifiruv. 


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242 Relapse of Ursacius and Valens, 

Arian Corsica, and the whole of Africa; and those from Gaul, 
J?!i T - Britain, and Spaiu, with the great Confessor Hosius; and 
also those from Pannonia, Noricum, Siscia, Dalmatia, Dar- 
dania, Dacia, Mysia, Macedonia, Thessaly, and all Achaia, 
and from Crete, Cyprus, and Lycia, with most of those from 
Palestine, Isauria, Egypt, the Thebais, the whole of Libya, 
and Pentapolis;) when I say they perceived these things, 
they were possessed with envy and fear; with envy, on 
account of the communion of so many together; and with 
fear, lest those who had been entrapped by them should be 
brought over by the unanimity of so great a number, and 
henceforth their heresy should be triumphantly exposed, and 
every where proscribed. 
§. 29. 2. First of all they persuade Ursacius and Valens to change 
vid. sides again, and like dogs to return to their own vomit, and 
2, 22! lite swine to wallow again in the former mire of their impiety; 
and they make this excuse for their retractation, that they 
did it through fear of the most religious Constans. And yet 
even had there been cause for fear, yet if they had confidence 
in what they had done, they ought not to have become traitors 
to their friends. But when there was no cause for fear, and 
yet they were guilty of a lie, are they not deserving of utter 

1 p- 1 ?!, condemnation? For no soldier was present, no Palatine 1 or 

2 P . 173, Notary 2 had been sent, as they now send them, nor yet was 

"afxnJi* ^ e ^ m P eror tnere > nor na( i tne y been summoned 3 by any 
«■„, p. one, when they wrote their recantation. But they voluntarily 
4p 2, 2 23*went up 4 to Rome, and of their own accord recanted and 
r. 6. wrote it down in the Church, where there was no fear from 

without, where the only fear is the fear of God, and where 
5 infr. every one has liberty of conscience 6 . And yet although they 
nofe 4 b! naye a secon d tmie become Arians, and then have devised 

this indecent excuse for their conduct, they are still without 


§. 30. 3. In the next place they went in a body to the Emperor 
Constantius, and besought him, saying, "When we first made 
our request to you, we were not believed ; for we told you, 
when you sent for Athanasius, that by inviting him to come 
forward, you were expelling our heresy. For he has been 
opposed to it from the very first, and never ceases to anathe- 
matize it. He has already written letters against us into all 

Digitized by Google 

and of Constantius. 


parts of the world, and the majority of men have embraced JJ^Jj 1 - 

communion with him ; and even of those who seemed to be 1 

on our side, some have been gained over by him, and others 
are likely to be. And we are left alone, so that the fear is, 
lest the character of our heresy become known, and hence- 
forth both we and you gain the name of heretics. And if 
this come to pass, you must take care that we be not classed 
with the Manichaeans. Therefore begin again to persecute, 
and support the heresy, for it accounts you its king." Such 
was the language of their iniquity. And the Emperor, when 
in his passage through the country on his hasty march against 
Magnentius 1 , he saw the communion of the Bishops with 'p. 159, 
Athanasius, like one set on fire, suddenly changed his mind, note 
and no longer remembered his oaths, but was alike forgetful 
of what he had written, and regardless of the duty he owed 
his brother. For in his letters to him, as well as in his 
interview with Athanasius, he took an oath that he would 
not act otherwise than as the people should wish, and as 
should be agreeable to the Bishop. But his zeal for impiety 
caused him at once to forget all these things. And yet one 
ought not to wonder that after so many letters and so many 
oaths Constantius had altered his mind, when we remember 
that Pharaoh 2 of old, the tyrant of Egypt, after frequently 2 p. 246, 
promising and by that means obtaining a remission of his r ' 5 * 
punishments, likewise changed, until he at last perished 
together with his associates in wickedness. 

4. He compelled then the people in every city to change §. 31. 
their party ; and on arriving at Aries and Milan, he proceeded 

to act entirely in accordance with the designs and suggestions 
of the heretics; or rather they acted themselves, and receiving 
authority from him, furiously attacked every one. Letters 
and orders were immediately sent hither to the Prefect, that 
for the future the corn should be taken from Athanasius and 
given to those who favoured the Arian doctrines, and that 
whoever pleased might freely insult them that held com- 
munion with him ; and a threat was held out to the magis- 
trates, if they did not hold communion with the Arians. 
These things were but the prelude to what afterwards took 
place under the direction of the Duke Syrianus. 

5. Orders were sent also to the more distant parts, and 


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Avian subscription, or banishment. 

Am an Notaries despatched to every city, and Palatines, with threats 
Hl8T * to the Bishops and Magistrates, directing the Magistrates to 
urge on the Bishops, and informing the Bishops that either 
they must subscribe against Athanasius, and hold communion 
with the Arians, or themselves undergo the punishment of 
exile, while the people who took part with them were to 
understand that chains, and insults, and scourgings, and the 
loss of their possessions, would be their portion. These 
orders were not neglected, for the commissioners had in their 
company the Clergy of Ursacius and Valeus, to inspire them 
with zeal, and to inform the Emperor if the Magistrates 
neglected their duty. The other heresies, as younger sisters 

'vol. 8. of their own 1 , they permitted to blaspheme the Lord, and 

notofm. on ^y conspired against the Christians, not enduring to hear 

P te 8 b' ort hodox language concerning Christ. How many Bishops 
in consequence, according to the words of Scripture, were 
brought before rulers and kings, and received this sentence 
from magistrates, " Subscribe, or withdraw from your churches, 
for the Emperor has commanded you to be deposed !" How 
many in every city were made to waver, lest they should 
accuse them as friends of the Bishops ! Moreover letters were 
sent to the city authorities, and a threat of a fine was held 
out to them, if they did not compel the Bishops of their 
respective cities to subscribe. In short, every place and 
every city was full of fear and confusion, while the Bishops 
were dragged along to trial, and the magistrates witnessed 
the lamentations and groans of the people. 

§. 32. 6. Such were the proceedings of the Palatine commis- 
sioners; on the other hand, those admirable persons, 
confident in the patronage which they had obtained, display 
great zeal, and cause some of the Bishops to be summoned 
before the Emperor, while they persecute others by letters, 
inventing charges against them ; to the intent that the one 
might be overawed by the presence of Constantius, and the 
other, through fear of the commissioners and the threats 
held out to them in these pretended accusations, might be 

2 prtfnt. brought to renounce their orthodox and pious opinions 9 . 

jj^ntf^'ln this manner it was that the Emperor forced so great a 
multitude of Bishops, partly by threats, and partly by 
promises, to declare, " We will no longer hold corn- 

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Persecution is from the Devil. 


munion with Athanasius." For those who came for 
interview, were not admitted to his presence, nor allowed 32? 3S * 
any relaxation, not so much as to go out of their dwell- 
ings, until they had either subscribed, or refused and 
incurred banishment thereupon. And this he did because 
he saw that the heresy was hateful 1 to all men. For this l p- 217, 
reason especially he compelled so many to add their names 223) r.s. 
to the small number 9 of the Arians, his earnest desire being P*| 48 > 
to collect together a crowd of names, both from envy of the 259. P 
Bishop, and for the sake of making a shew in favour of the* P g 132 > 
Arian impiety, of which he is the patron ; supposing that he 
will be able to alter the truth, as easily as he can influence j 0 hni9, 
the minds of men. He knows not, nor has ever read, how 
that the Sadducees and the Herodians, taking unto them p . 190/ 
the Pharisees, were not able to obscure the truth; rather 

Jir*. p. 

it shines out thereby more brightly every day, while they 228, 
crying out, We have no king but Ctesar 3 , and obtaining the^®^' 
judgment of Pilate in their favour, are nevertheless leftdfedin 
destitute, and wait in utter shame, expecting shortly 4 to ,^45. 
become bereft, like the partridge, when they shall see their vid.Jer. 
patron near his death. Sept/' 
7. Now if it was altogether unbecoming in any of the §. 33. 
Bishops to change their opinions merely from fear of these 
things, yet it was much more so 5 , aud not the part of men 5 p- 193 
who have confidence in what they believe, to force and 
compel the unwilling. In this manner it is that the Devil, 
when he has no truth on his side b , attacks and breaks down vid. Ps. 
the doors of them that admit him with axes and hammers. 74 ' 6 " 
But our Saviour is so gentle that He teaches thus, //' any Mat. 16, 
man wills to come after Me, and, Whoever wills to be My 
disciple ; and coming to each He does not force them, but 
knocks at the door and says, Open unto Me, My sister, My Can *« 
spouse ; and if they open to Him, He enters in, but if they 
delay and will not, He departs from them. For the truth is 
not preached with swords or with darts, nor by means of 
soldiers; but by persuasion and counsel. But what per- 
suasion is there where fear of the Emperor prevails ? or what 
counsel is there, when he who withstands them receives at 

b The fault consists in substituting vid. p. 279, note c. 
persecution for the power of truth. 


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246 Banishment of the Western Bishops 

Arian last banishment and death? Even David, although he was 
Hl8T ' a king, and had his enemy in his power, prevented not the 
soldiers by an exercise of authority when they wished to kill 
his enemy, but, as the Scripture says, David persuaded his 
vid. men by arguments, and suffered them not to rise up and put 
26, 9. Saul to death. But he, being without arguments of reason, 
forces all men by his power, that it may be shewn to all, 
that their wisdom is not according to God, but merely 
human, and that they who favour the Arian doctrines have 
indeed no king but Caesar ; for by his means it is that these 
enemies of Christ accomplish whatsoever they wish to do. 

8. But while they thought that they were carrying on 
their designs against many by his means, they knew not 
that they were making many to be confessors, of whom 
are those who have lately made so glorious a confession, 
> P 239, religious men, and excellent Bishops, Paulinus 1 Bishop of 
*p!"i9i, Treves the Metropolis of Gaul, Lucifer 2 Bishop of the 
r. 3—6. Metropolis of Sardinia, Eusebius of Vercelli in Italy, and 
Dionysius of Milan, which is the Metropolis of Italy. 
These the Emperor summoned before him, and commanded 
them to subscribe against Athanasius, and to hold com- 
munion with the heretics ; and when they were astonished 
at this novel procedure, and said that there was no Ecclesi- 
3 p. 3. astical Canon 3 to this effect, he immediately said, "Whatever 
I will, be that esteemed a Canon ; the Bishops of Syria let 
me thus speak. Either then obey, or go into banishment. 
§.34. 9. When the Bishops heard this they were utterly amazed, 
and stretching forth their hands to God, they used great 
boldness of speech against him, teaching him that the king- 
dom was not his, but God's who had given it to him, whom 
also they bid him fear, lest He should suddenly take it away 
from him. And they threatened him with the day of 
judgment, and warned him against infringing Ecclesiastical 
* 3i*t«- order, and mingling Roman sovereignty with the constitution 4 
249 P r °^ * e Church, nor to introduce the Arian heresy into the 
io. Church of God. But he would not listen to them, nor per- 
mit theui to speak further, but threatened them so much the 
more, and drew his sword against them, and gave orders for 
some of them to be led to punishment ; although afterwards, 
5 p. 243, like Pharaoh 5 , he repented. The holy men therefore shaking 

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spread the knowledge of the truth. 


off the dust, and looking up to God, neither feared theTuviu. 

threats of the Emperor, nor betrayed their cause before his - — 

drawn sword ; but received their banishment, as a service 

pertaining to their ministry. And as they passed along, 

they preached the Gospel in every place and city *, although 1 infr » p- 

they were in bonds, proclaiming the orthodox faith, anathe- vid.Acts 

matizing the Arian heresy, and stigmatizing the recantation 

of Ursacius and Valens. But this was contrary to the 12. ' 

intention of their enemies ; for the greater was the distance 

of their place of banishment, so much the more was the 

hatred against them increased, while the wanderings of these 

men were but the heralding of their impiety. For who that 

saw them as they passed along, did not greatly admire them 

as Confessors, and renounce and abominate the others, 2 tytm, 

via. pi 

calling them not only impious men, but executioners 2 , and 133, r. 
murderers, and every thing rather than Christians 3 ? 

p. 208, 
note b. 



§.35. 1. Now it had been better if from the first Constantius 
had never become connected with this heresy at all; or 
being connected with it, if he had not yielded so much to 
those impious men ; or having yielded to them, if he had 
stood by them only thus far, so that judgment might 
come upon them all for these atrocities alone. But as it 
would seem, like madmen, having entangled themselves in the 
bonds of impiety, they are drawing down upon their own 
» in con- heads a more severe judgment. Thus from the first 1 they 
date of spared not even Liberius Bishop of Rome, but extended • 
his 2 ^* 11 > their fury 2 even to those parts; they respected not his 
r. 6. ' bishopric, because it was an Apostolical throne; they felt 
no reverence for Rome, because she is the Metropolis of 
Romania b ; they remembered not that formerly in their 
letters they had spoken of her Bishops as Apostolical men. 
But confounding all things together, they at once forgot 
every thing, and cared only to shew their zeal in behalf of 
impiety. When they perceived that he was an orthodox 
3 pp.245, m an, and hated 3 the Arian heresy, and earnestly endeavoured 
r.2. 'to persuade all persons to renounce and withdraw from it, 
these impious men reasoned thus with themselves : " If we 
can persuade Liberius, we shall soon prevail over all." 

* rip futuai l^irutati vid. ixfunu yet perhaps Athanatrius uses it from 
rtit/iMtUp. infr.p.254.r. 1. And so in the his familiarity with Latin ideas dor- 
letter of the Council of Chaleedon to ing his frequent exiles in the West, 
Pope Leo; which says that Dioseorus, just as he also adopts some of their 
»ar avrev rnt kp*'ik»t> rfo QvXaxh* vrtc^k theological terms. The Eusebians had 
rovevrnpt Wtwtmpftinu rnt fiattat igs - in the first instance resisted the autho- 
rim. Xtyoftttih. rm ent Utirnrt- Hard, rity of Rome, though with expressions 
Cone. t. 2. p. 656. As to the words In of respect, supr. p. 40, note c. 

stolical throne or see," is given also, Empire, according to Montfaucon after 

though not as an Jippellative, to the sees Nannius. vid, Prsefat. xxxiv. xxxv. 

of Antioch, Ephesus, &c. vid. Tertull. And so Epiph. Ha?r. lxvi. 1 fin. p. 618. 

de Prescript. 36. August. Ep. 43. 7. and lxviii. 2 init. p. 728. Nil. Ep. i. 75. 

Even were it to be here construed vid. Ducange Gloss. Grsec. in voc. 
" because it is the Apostolical see," 

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The Eunuch Eusebius attempts Liberius in vain. 249 

2. Accordingly they accuse him falsely before the Em-TB.vni. 
peror; and he, expecting easily to draw over all men to his 35> 3g * 

by means of Liberius, writes to him, and sends a 
certain eunuch called Eusebius with letters and offerings, to 
cajole him with the presents, and to threaten him with the 
letters. The eunuch accordingly went to Rome, and first 
proposed to Liberius to subscribe against Athanasius, and to 
hold communion with the Arians, saying, " The Emperor 
wishes it, and commands you to do so." And then shewing 
him the offerings, he took him by the hand, and again 
besought him, saying, " Be persuaded to comply with the 
Emperor's request, and receive these." But the Bishop 30. 
endeavoi^red to convince him, reasoning with him thus: 
" How is it possible for me to do this against Athanasius ? 
how can we condemn a man, whom not one 1 Council only, i a t^] ex . 
but a second 9 assembled from all parts of the world 3 , has fairly andria. 
acquitted, and whom the Church of Rome dismissed in peace? aica. ar " 
who will approve of our conduct, if we reject in his absence 3 
one, whose presence 4 amongst us we gladly welcomed 6 , andf vi £ p 
admitted him to our communion? There is no Ecclesiastical 49 fin. 
Canon 6 which can authorize such a proceeding; nor have we,.^ 230 ' 
had transmitted to us any such tradition 7 from the Fathers, ®PP^i, 
which they might have received from the great and blessed 7*4^. 
Apostle Peter 8 . r "^ d - 
3. " But if the Emperor is really concerned for the peace note b! 
of the Church, if he requires our decrees respecting 
Athanasius to be reversed, let their proceedings both against 
him and against all the others be reversed also ; and then 
let an Ecclesiastical Council be called at a distance from 
the Court 9 , at which the Emperor shall not be present, nor 9 0 r Pa- 
any Count be admitted, nor magistrate to threaten us, but lace > 
where only the fear of God, and the Apostolical rule 10 shall 25*22?," 
prevail ; that so in the first place, the faith of the Church ***~ 9 
may be secured, as the Fathers defined it in the Council of 
Nicaea, and the supporters of the Arian doctrines may be^j^" 
cast out, and their heresy anathematized. And then after ^pr- pp. 
that, an enquiry being made into the charges brought 57 9 246 " 
against Athanasius, and any other beside, as well as into 
those things of which the other party is accused, let the 
guilty be cast out, and the innocent receive encouragement 

250 Liberius refuses the Emperor's offering. 

Arian and support. For it is impossible that they who maintain 
Hist. m impious creed can be admitted as members of a Council ; 

nor is it fit that an enquiry into matters of conduct should 
1 vid. precede the enquiry concerning the faith 1 ; but all diversity 
vidn!" °f °P m i° n on points of faith ought first to be eradicated, 
Cone, and then the enquiry made into matters of conduct. Our 
SaVpii Lord Jesus Christ did not heal them that were afflicted, 
Hist.iL until they shewed and declared what faith they had in Him. 
These things* we have received from the Fathers; these 
report to the Emperor ; for they are both profitable for him 
and edifying to the Church. But let not Ursacius and 
Valens be listened to, for they have retracted their former 
assertions, and in what they now say they are not to be 

§. 37. 4. These were the words of the Bishop Liberius. And 
*tvfv X ef the eunuch 9 , who was vexed, not so much because he would 
not subscribe, as because he found him an enemy to the 
3 «^f l- heresy, forgetting that he was in the presence of a Bishop 3 , 
™* 0 *" after threatening him severely, went away with the offerings; 

and proceeded to perpetrate an offence, which is foreign 
4 from a Christian, and too audacious for a eunuch 4 . In 
rm imitation of the transgression of Saul, he went to the 
Martyry c of the Apostle Peter, and then presented the of- 
ferings. But Liberius having notice of it, was very angry 
with the person who kept the place, that he had not pre- 
vented him, and cast out the offerings as an unlawful sacrifice, 
5 «-«4x«- which iucreased the anger of the mutilated 5 creature against 
Mf him. Consequently he exasperates the Emperor against 
him, saying, " The matter that concerns us is no longer the 
obtaining the subscription of Liberius, but the fact that he 
is so resolutely opposed to the heresy, that he anathematizes 
the Arians by name." He also stirs up the other eunuchs 
to say the same ; for many of those who are about Con- 
6 vid. stantius, or rather the whole number of them, are eunuchs 6 , 


19 init. * c u Under this eanopy,"[the Baldac- he was only a priest, constructed a 

chino in the present St. Peter's Church,] chapel here in 106, which was called 

is the high altar, which is only used on the Confessional of St. Peter, and in- 

the most solemn ceremonies, and be- closed the body of the Apostle in a mar- 

neath it repose the bodies of St. Peter ble urn. Constantine is reported to 

and St. Paul. That of St. Peter lies have covered the urn with metal, so 

in the place where it was first buried, that it can never be seen." Burton's 

It is said that Pope Anacletus, while Rome, p. 425. 

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Troubles at Rome upon Liberies firmness. 251 

who engross all the influence with him, and it is impossible to tr. viii. 
do any thing there without them. The Emperor accordingly — ! — 1 
writes to Rome, and again Palatines, and Notaries, and 
Counts are sent off with letters to the Prefect, in order that 
either they may inveigle Liberius by stratagem away from 
Rome and send him to the Court to him, or else persecute 
him by violence. 

5. Such being the tenor of the letters, there also fear and §. 38. 
treachery forthwith prevailed throughout the whole city. 
How many were the families against which threats were 
held out ! How many received great promises on condition 

of their acting against Liberius ! How many Bishops hid 
themselves when they saw these things ! How many noble 
women retired to their estates in consequence of the calum- 
nies of the enemies of Christ ! How many ascetics were made 
the objects of their plots ! How many who were sojourning 
there, and had made that place their home, did they cause to 
be persecuted ! How often and how strictly did they guard the 
harbour 1 and the approaches to the gates, lest any orthodox 1 Ostia, 
person should enter and visit Liberius ! Rome also had trial Gibbon, 
of the enemies of Christ, and now experienced what before J*' 8 ^ 
she would not believe, when she heard how the other p . 303. 
Churches in every city were ravaged by them. 

6. It was the eunuchs who instigated these proceedings 
against all. And the most remarkable circumstance in the 
matter is this ; that the Arian heresy which denies the Son 
of God, receives its support from eunuchs, who, as both their 
bodies are fruitless, and their souls barren of the seeds of 
virtue, cannot bear even to hear the name of son. The 
Eunuch of Ethiopia indeed, though he understood not what Acts 8, 
he read, believed the words of Philip, when he taught him 27 ' 
concerning our Saviour; but the eunuchs of Constantius 
cannot endure the confession of Peter 3 , nay, they turn*^*- 
away when the Father manifests the Son, and madly rage allusion 
against those who say, that the Son of God is His genuine J^^a 
Son, thus claiming as a heresy of eunuchs, that there is no p. 57, 
genuine and true offspring of the Father. On these grounds Hard? 
it is that the law forbids such persons to be admitted into Cone. t. 
any ecclesiastical Council 3 ; notwithstanding which these ^ p,306 > 
have now regarded them as competent judges of cccle-yj^ 

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Liberiuis speech to Constantius. 

Arian siastical causes, and whatever seems good to them, that 
5i!ZL Constantius decrees, while men with the name of Bishops 
dissemble with them. Oh ! who shall be their historian ? 
who shall transmit the record of these things to future 
generations ? who indeed would believe it, were he to hear 
it, that eunuchs who are scarcely entrusted with household 
1 fixflu- services (for theirs is a pleasure-loving 1 race, that has no 
the key serious concern but that of hindering in others what nature 
toW *. has taken from them); that these, I say, now exercise 
toward authority in ecclesiastical matters, and that Constantius in 
them, submission to their will treacherously conspired against all, 

and banished Liberius ! 
§. 39. 7. For after the Emperor had frequently written to 
Rome, had threatened, sent commissioners, devised schemes, 
on the persecution subsequently breaking out at Alex- 
andria, Liberius is dragged before him, who uses great 
boldness of speech towards him. "Cease," he said, "to 
persecute the Christians ; attempt not by my means to intro- 
duce impiety into the Church. We are ready to suffer any 
thing rather than to be called Arian fanatics. We are Chris- 
tians ; compel us not to become enemies of Christ. We also 
give you this counsel : fight not against Him who gave you 
this empire, nor shew impiety towards Him instead of thank- 
8 p. 246. fulness 2 ; persecute not them that believe in Him, lest you 

Acts 9 a * so ^ ear ^ e wor< k> & * s h ar d f or t? tee t° kick against the 
6. pricks. Nay, I would that you might hear them, that you 
might obey, as the holy Paul did. Behold, here we are ; we 
are come, before they fabricate charges. For this cause we 
hastened hither, knowing that banishment awaits us at your 
hands, that we might suffer before a charge encounters us, 
and that all may clearly see that all the others too have 
suffered as we shall suffer, and that the charges brought 
against them were fabrications of their enemies, and all their 
proceedings are mere calumny and falsehood." 
§. 40. 8. These were the words of Liberius at that time, and 
he was admired by all men for them. But the Emperor 
instead of answering, only gave orders for their banishment, 
separating each of them from the rest, as he had done in the 
former cases. For he had himself devised this plan in the 
banishments which he inflicted, that so the severity of his 

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Banishment of Liberius and others. 253 

punishments might be greater than that of former tyrants and tr. viii. 
persecutors *. In the former persecution Maximian who was 
then Emperor commanded a number of Confessors to be^.4.infr , . 
banished together, and thus lightened their punishment by *• 
the consolation which he gave them in each other's society. 
But this man was more savage than he ; he separated those 
who had spoken boldly and confessed together, he put asunder 
them who were united by the bond of faith, that when they 
came to die they might not see one another ; thinking that 
bodily separation can disunite also the affections of the mind, 
and that being severed from each other, they would forget 
the concord and unanimity which existed among them. 
He knew not that however each one may remain apart from 
the rest, he has nevertheless with him that Lord, whom they 
confessed in one body together, who will also provide, (as he 
did in the case of the prophet Elisha,) that more shall be 
with each of them, than there are soldiers with Constantius. 
Of a truth iniquity is blind; for in that they thought to afflict 
the Confessors, by separating them from one another, they 
rather brought thereby a great injury upon themselves. 
For had they continued in each other's company, and abode 
together, the pollutions of those impious men would have 
been proclaimed from one place only ; but now by putting 
them asunder, they have made their impious heresy and 
wickedness to spread abroad and become known in every 
place 8 . * T ** 47 > 
9. Who that shall hear what they did in the course of §. 41. 
these proceedings will not think them to be any thing rather 
than Christians 3 ? When Liberius sent Eutropius a Pres- 3pp.24j% 
byter and Hilarius a Deacon with letters to the Emperor, at^ e 2 ^ 8 ' 
the time that Lucifer and his friends made their confession, 
they banished the Presbyter on the spot, and after stripping 
Hilarius d the Deacon and scourging him on the back, they 
banished him too, exclaiming, " Why didst thou not resist 
Liberius instead of being the bearer of letters from him." 
Ursacius and Valens with the eunuchs who sided with them 
were the authors of this outrage. The Deacon, while he was 

«* This Hilary afterwards followed Comments on St. Paul's Epistles at- 
Lucifer of Cagliari in his schism. He tributed to St. Ambrose, who goes under 
is supposed to be the author of the the name of Ambrosiaster. 

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Lapse of Liberius. 

Arian being scourged, praised the Lord, remembering his words, 
/ gave My back to the smiters; but they while they scourged 
' him laughed and mocked him, feeling no shame that they 
were insulting a Levite. Indeed they acted but consistently 
in laughing while he continued to praise God ; for it is the 
part of Christians to endure stripes, but to scourge Christians 

1 p. 194, is the outrage of a Pilate or a Caiaphas 1 . 

r. i. jq Thus they endeavoured at the first to corrupt the 
Church of the Romans, wishing to introduce impiety into 
it as well as others. But Liberius after he had been in 
banishment two years gave way, and from fear of threatened 
death was induced to subscribe. Yet even this only shews 

2 p. 217, their violent conduct, and the hatred 2 of Liberius against the 

heresy, and his support of Athanasius, so long as he was 
suffered to exercise a free choice. For that which men are 
forced by torture to do contrary to their first judgment, ought 
not to be considered the willing deed of those who are in 

3 P- 245, fear, but rather of their tormentors 3 . They however attempted 

every thing in support of their heresy, while the people in 
every Church, preserving the faith which they had learnt, 
waited for the return of their teachers, and cast from them, 
and all avoided, as they would a serpent, the Antichristiaii 

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1. But although they had done all this, yet these impious §. 42. 
men thought they had accomplished nothing, so long as the 
great Hosius escaped their wicked machinations. And now 
they undertook to extend their fury 1 to that venerable 1 \*nhmi 
old man. They felt no shame at the thought that he is the ^ 9 ^' 
father of the Bishops 8 ; they regarded not that he had been 248* 
a Confessor 3 ; they reverenced not the length of his Epis-^j^ 
copate, in which he had continued more than sixty years ; 230,256 
but they set aside eveiy thing, and looked only to theMaxi- 
interests of their heresy, as being of a truth such as neither ™ ian ' 
fear God, nor regard man. Accordingly they went to Con-i^^ 
stantius, and again employed such arguments as the following, 2 « 
" We have done every thing ; we have banished the Bishop 
of the Romans ; and before him a very great number of other 
Bishops, and have filled every place with alarm. But these 
strong measures of yours are as nothing to us, nor is our 
success at all more secure, so long as Hosius remains. 
While he is in his own place, the rest also continue in their 
Churches, for he is able by his arguments and his faith to 
persuade all men against us. He is the president of Councils 4 , 4 of Ni- 
and his letters are every where attended to. He it was whosardica! 
put forth the Nicene Confession, and proclaimed every where 
that the Arians were heretics. If therefore he is suffered to 
remain, the banishment of the rest is of no avail, for our 
heresy will be destroyed. Begin then to persecute him also,^*£"*» 
and spare him not, ancient 5 as he is. Our heresy knows not 284. 
to honour the hoary hairs of the aged." §• 

2. Upon hearing this, the Emperor no longer delay ed, 24 Vr.i. 
but knowing the man, and the weight of his years, wrote to^.^ 0 
summon him. This was when he first 6 began his attempt before 

his fall. 

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Letter of Hosius. 

Abian upon Liberius. Upon his arrival he desired him, and urged 
Hl8T * him with the usual arguments, with which he thought also 
to deceive the others, that he would subscribe against us, 
and hold communion with the Arians. But the old man, 
scarcely bearing to hear the words, and grieved that he had 
even ventured to utter such a proposal, severely rebuked 
him, and after endeavouring to convince him of his error, 
withdrew to his own country and Church. But the heretics 
still complaining, and instigating him to proceed, (he had 
the eunuchs also to remind him and to urge him further,) 
the Emperor again wrote in threatening terms ; but still 
Hosius, while he endured their insults, was unmoved by any 
fear of their designs against him, and remaining firm to his 
purpose, as one who had built the house of his faith upon 
the rock, he spoke boldly against the heresy, regarding the 
threats held out to him in the letters but as drops of rain and 
blasts of wind. And although Constantius wrote frequently, 
i p. 356, sometimes flattering him with the title of Father 1 , and some- 
r ' 3# times threatening and recounting the names of those who 
had been banished, and saying, " Will you continue the 
only person to oppose the heresy ? Be persuaded and sub- 
scribe against Athanasius; for whoever subscribes against 
him thereby embraces with us the Arian cause still 
Hosius remained fearless, and while suffering these insults, 
* trans- wrote an answer in such terms as these. We have read the 

^pyfste letter > Which i8 P laced at the end *- 

§. 44. 3. Hosius to Constantius the Emperor sends health in 

the Lord. 

I was a Confessor at the first, when a persecution arose in 
the time of your grandfather Maximian ; and if you shall 
persecute me, I am ready now too to endure any thing 
rather than to shed innocent blood and to betray the truth. 
But I cannot approve of your conduct in writing after this 
threatening manner. Cease to write thus; adopt not the 
cause of Arius, nor listen to those in the East, nor give 
credit to Ursacius and Valens. For whatever they assert, it 
is not on account of Athanasius, but for the sake of their 
own heresy. Believe my statement, O Constantius, who am 
of an age to be your grandfather. I was present at the 

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to Constantius. 257 


Council of Sardica, when you and your brother Constant ofTR. vin. 
blessed memory assembled us all together; and on my own— ^ — 
account I challenged the enemies of Athanasius, when they 
came to the Church where 1 abode 1 , that if they had any thing » Cor- 
against him they might declare it; desiring them to have con- duba * 
fidence, and not to expect otherwise than that a right judgment 
would be passed in all things. This I did once and again, 
requesting them, if they were unwilling to appear before the 
whole Council, yet to appear before me alone ; promising them 
also, that if he should be proved guilty, he should certainly 
be rejected by us ; but if he should be found to be blame- 
less, and should prove them to be calumniators, that if they 
should then refuse to hold communion with him, I would 
persuade him to go with me into Spain. Athanasius was 
willing to comply with these conditions, and made no ob- 
jection to my proposal ; but they, altogether distrusting their 
cause, would not consent. And on another occasion Atha- 
nasius came to your Court 2 , when you wrote for him, and his 2 
enemies being at the time in Antioch, he requested that they p*iob, 
might be summoned either altogether or separately, in order note z - 
that they might either convict him, or be convicted, and 
might either in his presence prove him to be what they 
represented, or cease to accuse him when absent. To this 
proposal also you would not listen, and they equally re- 
jected it. 

4. Why then do you still give ear to them that speak evil 
of him ? How can you endure Ursacius and Valens, although 
they have retracted, and made a written confession of their 
calumnies? For it is not true, as they pretend, that they 
were forced to confess ; there were no soldiers at hand to 
influence them ; your brother was not cognizant of the 
matter 3 . No, such things were not done under his govern- 3 p. is, 
ment, as are done now ; God forbid. But they voluntarily p°242. 
went up 4 to Rome, and in the presence of the Bishop and 4 p. 223, 
Presbyters wrote their recantation, having previously ad- r ' 6, 
dressed to Athanasius a friendly and peaceable letter. Andspp. i9 ? 
if they pretend that force was employed towards them, ^d^ 0 ^? 1 ' 
acknowledge that this is an evil thing, which you also 242, r.6. 
disapprove of; then do you cease to use force 5 ; write no^^ ote 
letters, send no Counts; but release those that have been r -2.279, 

note c. 

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Letter of Hosius 

Arian banished, lest while you are complaining of violence, they 

do but exercise greater violence. When was any such thing 

done by Constans? What Bishop suffered banishment at 
his hands? When did he appear in presence at an Ec- 
clesiastical trial ? When did any Palatine of his compel men 
to subscribe against any one, that Valens and his fellows 
should be able to affirm this ? 

5. Cease these proceedings, I beseech you, and remember 
that you are a mortal man. Be afraid of the day of judg- 
ment, and keep yourself pure thereunto. Intrude not your- 
self into Ecclesiastical matters, neither give commands unto 
us concerning them; but learn them from us. God hath 
put into your hands the kingdom ) to us He hath entrusted 
the affairs of His Church ; and as he who should steal the 
empire from you would resist the ordinance of God, so 
likewise fear on your part lest by taking upon yourself the 
government of the Church, you become guilty of a great 
Mat.22, offence. It is written, Render unto Ctesar the things that 
21 are Casar's, and unto God the things that are GooVs. 
Neither therefore is it permitted unto us to exercise an 
earthly rule, nor have you, Sire, any authority to burn 
incense'. These things I write unto you out of a concern 
for your salvation. With regard to the subject of your 
letters, this is my determination : I will not unite myself to 
the Arians; I anathematize their heresy. Neither will I 
subscribe against Athanasius, whom both we and the Church 
of the Romans, and the whole Council pronounced to be 
guiltless. And yourself also, when you understood this, 
sent for the man, and gave him permission to return with 
honour to his country and his Church. What reason then 
can there be for so great a change in your conduct ? The 
same persons who were his enemies before, are so now also ; 
and the things they now whisper to his prejudice, (for they 

* Incense is mentioned in the Apo- the Eucharistic Sacrifice, could not be 

stolical Canon iii. but apparently no a recent one. From Tertull. Apol. 42. 

where else till this date. Hippol. de and Arnobius, contr. Gent. vii. 27. it 

Consumm. Mund. adduced by Beve- appears to have been unknown to the 

ridge on the Canon is not genuine. At African Churches in their day. vid. 

the same time it must be recollected, Bon. Rer. Lit. i. 25. n. 9. Bellarm. 

that Hosius was at this time 100 years deMiss.ii.15.Bevereg.Cod.Can. Yind. 

old, and a rite which he singles out (if ii. 2. r. 5. Dall. de Pseudepig. Apost. 

he does not speak figurately) to describe iii. 14. §. 4. Dodwell, Use of Incense. 

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to Constantius. 


do not declare them openly in his presence,) the same they tr. vni. 
spoke against him, before you sent for him ; the same they — 1 — - 
spread abroad concerning him^ when they came to the 
Council. And when I required them to come forward, as I 
have before said, they were unable to produce their proofs ; 
had they possessed any, they would not have fled so dis- 
gracefully. Who then has persuaded you so long after to 
forget your own letters and declarations ? Forbear, and be 
not influenced by evil men, lest while you act for the mutual 
advantage of yourself and them, you bring guilt upon your- 
self. For here you comply with their desires, hereafter in the 
judgment you will have to answer for doing so alone. These 
men desire by your means to injure their enemy, and wish 
to make you the minister of their wickedness, in order that 
through your help they may sow the seeds b of their accursed 
heresy in the Church. Now it is not a prudent thing to 
cast one's self into manifest danger for the pleasure of others. 
Cease then, I beseech you, O Constantius, and be persuaded 
by me. These things it becomes me to write, and you not 
to despise. 

6. Such were the sentiments, and such the letter, of the §. 45. 
Abraham-like old man, Hosius 1 , truly so called 6 . But the 1 ***- 
Emperor desisted not from his designs, nor ceased to seek saintly', 
an occasion against him; but continued to threaten him 
severely, with a view either to bring him over by force, or to 
banish him if he refused to comply. And as the Officers 
and Satraps of Babylon 2 seeking an occasion against Daniel, 2 P- 
found none except in the law of his God; so likewise 
these present Satraps of impiety were unable to invent any 
charge against the old man, (for this true Hosius, and his 
blameless life were known to all,) except the charge of 
hatred 3 to their heresy. They therefore proceeded to accuse 3 P- 260, 
him ; though not under the same circumstances as those others 
accused Daniel to Darius, for Darius was grieved to hear the 

b vid. vol. 8. p. 6. note k. It is re- c S mXniZf *Orw. xmr&exovu, oh yo\ 

markable, this letter having so much its Wfxo^ot, snpr. §. 3. infr. §§. 48, 75 fin. 

own character, and being so unlike Atha- and so &Xti4£t E&rs/3/i, Theod. Hist. i. 4. 

nasius's writings in style, that a phrase 'Ow^o*, rot «or% tot £x{nrro, tvtl ft 

characteristicofhimsnouldhereoccurin itf^nrro, Ep. ad Phil. 10. vid. vol. 8. 

it. Did Athan. translate it from Latin ? p. 1X4, note b. 


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Hosins tortured till he lapsed. 

arian charge, but as Jezebel accused Naboth, and as the Jews 
. Hl8T * applied themselves to Herod. And they said, " He not 
only will not subscribe against Athanasius, but also on his 
> p. 245, account condemns us ; ana his hatred 1 to the heresy is so 
r * great, that he also writes to others, that they should rather 
suffer death, than become traitors to the truth. For, he 
says, our beloved Athanasius also is persecuted for the 
Truth's sake, and Liberius Bishop of Rome, and all the rest, 
are treacherously assailed." 
l vid.pp. 7. When this patron of impiety, and Emperor of heresy 5 , 
243*267 Constantius, heard this, and especially that there were 
r. 3. others also in Spain of the same mind as Hosius, after he 
had tempted them also to subscribe, and was unable to 
compel them to do so, he sent for Hosius, and instead of 
banishing him, detained him a whole year in Sirmium. 
Godless, unholy, without natural affection, he feared not 
God, he regarded not his father's love for Hosius, he 
reverenced not his great age, for he was now a hundred 
years old d ; but all these things this modern Ahab, this 
second Belshazzar of our times, disregarded for the sake of 
impiety. He used such violence towards the old man, and 
confined him so straitly, that at last, broken by suffering, 
he was brought, though hardly, to hold communion with 
Valens and Ursacius, though he would not subscribe against 
Athanasius. Yet even thus he forgot not his duty, for at 
the approach of death, as it were by his last testament, he 
bore witness to the force which had been used towards him, 
and anathematized the Arian heresy, and gave strict charge 
that no one should receive it. 
§. 46. 8. Who that witnessed these things, or that has merely 
heard of them, will not be greatly amazed, and cry aloud unto 
Ez. 11, the Lord, saying, Wilt Thou make a full end of the remnant 
13. o j j^aei v Who that is acquainted with these proceed- 
Jer. 6, ings, will not with good reason cry out and say, A wonderful 
30 > 2 > l2 'and horrible thing is committed in the land; and, The 
heavens are astonished at this, and the earth is even more 
horribly afraid. The fathers of the people and the teachers 
of the faith are taken away, and the impious are brought into 

Warmer rhf hmJieit xfiirhtf i avirttf. •Sri 

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Constantius forerunner of Antichrist. 261 

the Churches? Who that saw when Liberius Bishop ofTR.viu. 
Rome was banished, and when the great Hosius the father^ — ^j- 
of the Bishops suffered these things, or who that saw sor. 5. * 
many Bishops banished out of Spain and the other parts, 
could fail to perceive, however little sense he might possess, 
that the charges 2 against Athanasius also and the rest were 8 rid. in 
false, and altogether mere calumny ? For this reason those ^JJjJf 
others also endured all suffering, because they saw plainly that A*- and 
the conspiracies laid against these were founded in falsehood. Const. 
For what charge was there against Liberius ? or what accusa- 
tion against the aged Hosius ? who bore even a false witness 
against Paulinus, and Lucifer, and Dionysius, and Eusebius? 
or what sin could be laid to the account of the rest of the 
banished Bishops, and Presbyters, and Deacons? None 
whatever; God forbid. There were no charges against 
them on which a plot for their ruin might be formed ; nor 
was it on the ground of any accusation that they were 
severally banished. It was a breaking out of impiety 
against godliness 3 ; it was zeal for the Arian heresy, and a 3 *«- 
prelude to the coming of Antichrist, for whom Constantius *JjJ2jJ*" 

is thus preparing the way. vol. 8. p. 

1, note a. 

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§. 47. 1. After he had accomplished all that he desired against 
the Churches in Italy, and the other parts ; after he had 
banished some, and violently oppressed others, and filled 
every place with fear, he at last turned his fury, as it had 
been some pestilential disorder, against Alexandria. This 
was artfully contrived by the enemies of Christ ; for in order 
that they might have a show of the signatures of many 
Bishops, and that Athanasius might not have a single Bishop 
in his persecution to whom he could even complain, they 
therefore anticipated his proceedings, and filled every place 
! tyi*{#»with terror, which they kept up to second 1 them in the 
prosecution of their designs. But herein they perceived not 
through their folly that they were not exhibiting the free 
2 p. Hi, sentiments 2 of the Bishops, but rather the violence which 
p°257,' themselves had employed ; and that, although his brethren 
r - 6 - should desert him, and his friends and acquaintance stand 
afar off, and no one be found to sympathise with him and 
console him, yet far above all these, a refuge with his God 
was sufficient for him. For Elias also was alone in his 
persecution, and God was all in all to the holy man. And 
our Saviour has given us an example herein, who also was 
left alone, and exposed to the designs of His enemies, to 
teach us, that when we are persecuted and deserted by men, 
we must not faint, but place our hope in Him, and not 
betray the Truth. For although at first it may seem to be 
afflicted, yet even they who persecute shall afterwards ac- 
knowledge it. 

48. 2. Accordingly they urge on the Emperor, who first writes 
a menacing letter, which he sends to the Duke and the 

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Constantius says he favoured Athan.for Constans* sake. 263 

soldiers. The Notaries Diogenius 1 and Hilarius 1 , andTR.vm. 
certain Palatines with them were the bearers of it; upon!-^ — - 
whose arrival those terrible and cruel outrages were com-pp 173, 
mitted against the Church, which I have briefly related a^'^* 
little above*, and which are known to all men from the pro- &c - 
tests put forth by the people, which are inserted at the end 
of this history 3 , so that any one may read them. Then after 3 
these proceedings on the part of Syrianus, after these note a! 
enormities had been perpetrated, and violence offered to the 
Virgins, as approving of such conduct and the infliction of 
these evils upon us, he writes again to the senate and 
people of Alexandria, instigating the younger men, and 
requiring them to assemble together, and either to persecute 
Athanasius, or consider themselves as his enemies. He 
however had withdrawn before these instructions reached 
them, and from the time when Syrianus broke into the 
Church ; for he remembered that which is written, Hide *J 26 > 
thyself as it were for a little moment, until the indignation 
he overpast*. gPP- 186 ' 
3. One Heraclius, by rank a Count, was the bearer ofs xttTm . 
this letter, and the precursor of a certain George that wasr ?^"; 
dispatched by the Emperor as a spy, for one that was sent rjM<r ##, 
from him cannot be a Bishop 5 ; God forbid. And so indeed vid ^ 5g 
his conduct and the circumstances which preceded his note c.' 
entrance sufficiently prove. Heraclius then published the §• «>0. 
letter, which reflected great disgrace upon the writer. no^Sin 
For whereas, when the great Hosius wrote to Constantius, Montf *l 
he had been unable to make out any plausible pretext for 
his change of conduct, he now invented an excuse much 
more discreditable to himself and to his advisers. He said, 
" From regard to the affection I entertained towards my 
brother of divine and pious memory, I endured for a time 
the coming of Athanasius among you." This proves that he 
has both broken his promise, and behaved ungratefully to 
his brother after his death. He then declares him to be, as 
indeed he is, " deserving of sacred and pious remembrance;" 
yet as regards a command of his, or to use his own language, 
the " affection" he bore him, even though he complied 
merely " for the sake" of the blessed Constans, he ought to 
deal fairly by his brother, and make himself heir to his 

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264 Hefollows up his fa therms wish es so far as su bservesA rianism . 

Arian sentiments as well as to the Empire. But, although, when 
seeking to obtain his just rights, he deposed Vetranio, with 
the question, " To whom does the inheritance belong after 
a brother's death*?" yet for the sake of the accursed heresy 
of the enemies of Christ, be disregards the claims of justice, 
and behaves undutifully towards his brethren. 

4. Nay, for the sake of this heresy, he would not consent 
to observe his father's wishes without infringement; but, in what 
he may gratify those impious men, he pretends to adopt his 
intention, while in order to distress the others, he cares not 
to shew the reverence which is due unto a father. For in 
consequence of the calumnies of the Eusebians, his father 
sent the Bishop for a time into Gaul to avoid the cruelty of 
his persecutors, (this was shewn by the blessed Constantine, 
the brother of the former, after their father's death, as 

» p. 121. appears by his letters 1 ,) but he would not be persuaded by 
the Eusebians to send the person whom they desired for a 
Bishop, but prevented the accomplishment of their wishes, 
and put a stop to their attempts with severe threats. 

§,51. 5. If therefore, as he declares in his letters, he desired to 
observe his father's practice, why did he first send out 
Gregory, and now this George, who eats his own stores 6 ? 
Why does he endeavour so earnestly to introduce into the 
Church these Arians, whom his father named Porphyrians 0 , 
and banish others while he patronises them ? Although his 

* " It was an easy task to deceive 
tbe frankness and simplicity of Vetra- 
nio, who, fluctuating some time between 
the opposite views of power and interest, 
displayed to the world the insincerity of 
his temper, and was insensibly engaged 
in the snares of an artful negociation. 
Constantius acknowledged him as a le- 
gitimate and equal colleague in the 
Empire, on condition that he would 
renounce his disgraceful alliance with 
Magnentius, and appoint a place of 
interview on the frontiers of their re- 
spective provinces. .. .The united ar- 
mies were commanded to assemble in a 
large plain near the city [Sardica]. In 
the centre, according to the rules of 
ancient discipline, a military tribunal, 
or rather scaffold, was erected, from 
whence the Emperors were accustomed, 
on solemn and important occasions, to 
harangue the troops. . . .The first part 

of his [C.'s] Oration seemed to be 
pointed only against the tyrant of Gaul 
[Magnentius], but while he tragically 
lamented the cruel murder of Constans, 
he insinuated, that none, except a bro- 
ther, could claim a right to the succession 
of his brother. He displayed, with some 
complacency, the glories of his Imperial 

race, &c The eontagion of loyalty 

and repentance was communicated from 
rank to rank ; till the plain of Sardica 
resounded with the universal acclama- 
tion of 1 Away with these upstart usurp- 
ers !' " &c. Gibbon, Hist. ch. xviii. 

b George had been pork-contractor 
to the army, and had been detected in 
peculation, vid. vol. 8. p. 89, r. 1. 
p. 134, note f. and infr. p. 286. 

c Constantine called tbe A rians by this 
title after the philosopher Porphyry, the 
great enemy of Christianity. Socrates 
has preserved the Edict. Hist. i. 9. 

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After Constant death he hot hfavoured and persecuted Ath. 265 

father admitted Arius to his presence, yet when Arius per-Tn.vm. 
jured himself and burst asunder 1 , he lost the compassion of , ' ' 
hisiather; who, on learning the truth, condemned him as a 212. ' 

6. Why moreover, while pretending to respect the Canons 
of the Church, has he ordered the whole course of his 
conduct in opposition to them ? For where is there a Canon 

that a Bishop should be appointed from Court? Where is^ 249 > 
there a Canon 2 that permits soldiers to invade Churches ? p. 268, 
What tradition 3 is there allowing counts and ignorant 4 ^'249 
eunuchs to exercise authority in Ecclesiastical matters, and*- 7. 
to make known by their edicts the decisions of those who^^"" 
bear the name of Bishops ? He is guilty of all manner of™ 1 * ™i- 
falsehood for the sake of this unholy heresy. At a former note e! 
time he sent out Philagrius as Prefect a second time 5 , in op- 5 p^- 224, 
position to the opinion of his father, and we see what has 
taken place now. 

7. Nor " for his brother's sake" does he speak the truth. 
For after his death he wrote as often as three times to the 
Bishop, and repeatedly promised him that he would not 
change his behaviour towards him, but exhorted him to be 
of good courage, and not suffer any one to alarm him, but to 
continue to abide in his Church in perfect security 6 . Heepp.^ 
also sent his commands by Count Asterius, and Palladius 238, 
the Notary, to Felicissimus who was then Duke, and to the 
Prefect Nestorius, that if either Philip the Prefect, or any 
other should venture to form any plot against Athanasius, 

they should prevent it. Wherefore when Diogenes came,§. 52. 
and Syrianus laid in wait for us, both he 7 and we and the 7 p. 219. 
people demanded to see the Emperor's letters, supposing 
that, as it is written, Let not a falsehood be spoken before the 
king 8 ; so when a king has made a promise, he will not lie, 8 vid. 
nor change. If then " for his brother's sake he complied," J^f 5 ' 
why did he also write those letters upon his death ? And if he 
wrote them for " his memory's sake," why did he afterwards 
behave so very unkindly towards him, and persecute the 
man, and write what he did, alleging a judgment of Bishops, 
while in truth he acted only to please himself 9 ? 9 p. 267, 

8. Nevertheless his craft has not escaped detection, but r ' 4 ' 
we have the proof of it ready at hand. For if a judgment 

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266 Kings have no concern in Ecclesiastical judgments. 

Arian had been passed by Bishops, what concern had the Emperor 

-with it? Or if it was only a threat of the Emperor, what 

need in that case was there of the so-named Bishops? 
When was such a thing heard of before from the beginning 
of the world ? When did a judgment of the Church receive 
>ri»^its validity 1 from the Emperor? or rather when was his 
decree ever recognised by the Church? There have been 
many Councils held heretofore; and many judgments passed 
by the Church ; but the Fathers never sought the consent of 
the Emperor thereto, nor did the Emperor busy himself with 
the affairs of the Church. The Apostle Paul had friends 
among them of Caesar's household, and in his Epistle to the 
Philippians he sent salutations from them; but he never 
*> 249, t 00 t them as his associates in Ecclesiastical judgments 9 . 
Now however we have witnessed a novel sight, which is a 
discovery of the Arian heresy. Heretics have assembled 
together with the Emperor Constantius, in order that he, 
alleging the authority of the Bishops, may exercise his 
power against whomsoever he pleases, and while he per- 
3 p. 279, secutes may avoid the name of persecutor 3 ; and that they, 
note c. SU pp 0r ted by the Emperor's government, may conspire the 
ruin of whomsoever they will d ; and these are all such as are 
not as impious as themselves. One might look upon their 
r# P 6. ' proceedings as a comedy which they are performing on the 
5 |w tf * stage, in which the pretended Bishops are actors 4 , and Con- 
rk$ i*- stantius the performer of their behests, who makes promises 
li**vid. t0 tnem > as Herod did to the daughter of Herodias, and they 
Herod, dancing before him, accomplish, through false accusations 6 , 
I29fin! tne banishment and death of the true believers in the Lord. 
§. 53. 9. Who indeed has not been injured by their calumnies ? 
Whom have not these enemies of Christ conspired to de- 

d e7 s ** and just before at 77 D. Ep. JEg. §§. 5 B. 19 A. 22 B. 

UiXu. [And more strikingly just below, Ap. ad Const, f . 1 C. de Fug. §§. 3 C. 

§. 53 fin. oL iix*vfft r^mrru, Iti) xa) m.h<rb% 7 E. ad Serap. fin. And so in this His- 

£rt( jflsXiv #*»0*s <r«g' aurSv.] This is tory, besides the above passage, the 

a very familiar phrase with A than. i. e. phrase is found in §§. 2 D. 3 fin. 7 C. 

it WtXnrtt, Wfatim, tra* 6%\»*n, ib. D twice. 47 C. 54 init. 59 A. 60 fin. 

•Is WiXtieaw, &c. &c. Some instances In like manner, «/WA.«rr*,«/Wx*»roM, 

have been given supr. p. 15, note e. &c. Ep. Encycl. §. 7 D. Apol. contr. 

and vol. 8. p. 92, note r. Among the Arian. §§. 36 D. 73 A. 74 A. 77 B. 

many passages that might be noticed, twice, ibid. D. 82 init. 83 F. ibid. B. 

are the following, de Deer. §. 3 A. de Ep. JEg. §. 6 B. C. Apol. ad Const. 

Syn. §. 13 A. Apol. contr. Arian. §§. §. 32 D. de Fug. §. 1 fin. And so in 

2 C. 14 D. 35 D. 36 D. 73 A. B. 74 F. this History, §§. 2 D. 16 D. 18 C. 

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Con stan tius gives up Alex. Churches to heretics. 267 

stroy ? Whom has Constantius failed to banish upon charges tr. vm. 
which they have brought against them ? When did he refuse 63y 54 * 
to hear them willingly ? And what is most strange *, when did 1 p. 221, 
he permit any one to speak against them, and did not more p^ r ? e 
readily receive their testimony, of whatever kind it might §• 3. F. 
be? Where is there a Church which now enjoys the 
privilege of worshipping Christ freely 2 ? If a Church be a 8 p. 262, 
maintainer of true piety, it is in danger ; if it dissemble, it r * 2 * 
abides in fear. Every place is full of hypocrisy and impiety, 
so far as he is concerned ; and wherever there is a pious 
person and a lover of Christ, (and there are many such every 
where, as were the prophets and the great Elias,) they hide 
themselves, if so be that they can find a faithful friend like 
Abdias, and either they withdraw into caves and dens of the 
earth, or pass their lives in wandering about in the deserts. 
These men in their madness prefer such calumnies against 
them, as Jezebel invented against Naboth, and the Jews 
against our Saviour; while the Emperor, who is the patron 3 3 p- 260, 
of the heresy, and wishes to pervert the truth, as Ahab r * 
wished to change the vineyard into a garden of herbs, does 
whatever they desire him to do, for the suggestions he 
receives from them are agreeable to his own wishes 4 . r. P 9. 266 ' 
JO. Accordingly he banished, as I said before, the genuine §. 54. 
Bishops, because they would not profess impious doctrines, 
to suit his own pleasure; and now he has sent Count 
Heraclius to proceed against Athanasius, who has publicly 
made known his decrees, and announced the commands of 
the Emperor to be, that unless they complied with the 
instructions contained in his letters, their bread 5 should be'Pj^ 43 * 
taken away, their idols overthrown, and the persons of many p. 276, 
of the city-magistrates and people delivered over to certain note a ' 
slavery. After threatening them in this manner, he was not 
ashamed to declare publicly with a loud voice, " The 
Emperor disclaims Athanasius, and has commanded that 
the Churches be given up to the Arians." And when all 
wondered to hear this, and made signs to one another, 
exclaiming, " What ! has Constantius become a heretic ?" 
instead of blushing as he ought, this man the more strictly 
obliged the senators and heathen magistrates and wardens 
of the idol temples to subscribe to these conditions, and to 

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268 Irrttption into the great Church. 

Abian agree to receive as their Bishop whomsoever the Emperor 
— should send them. Of course Constantius was strictly 
»p. 249, upholding the Canons 1 of the Church, when he caused this 
* p. 231, to be done ; when, instead of requiring letters 8 from the 
Mnfr Church, he demanded them of the market-place 3 , and in- 
notef. stead of the people he asked them of the wardens of the 
temples. He was conscious that he was not sending a 
Bishop to preside over Christians, but a certain pragmatical 
person for those who subscribed to his terms. 
§.55. 11. The Gentiles accordingly, as purchasing by their 
compliance the safety of their idols, and certain of the 
trades', subscribed, though unwillingly, from fear of the 
threats which he had held out to them ; just as if the matter 
had been the appointment of a general, or other magistrate. 
Indeed what, as heathen, were they likely to do, except 
whatever was pleasing to the Emperor? But the people 
4 having assembled in the great Church 4 , (for it was the fourth 
nofefp! day of the week,) Count Heraclius on the following day 
« Catto- takes with him Cataphronius the Prefect of Egypt, and 
p. 163, Faustinus the Receiver-General 6 , and Bithynus a heretic; 
note m * and together they stir up the younger men of the common 
multitude' who worshipped idols, to attack the Church, and 
stone the people, saying that such was the Emperor's com- 
6 i!r#xif- mand. As the time of separation 6 however had arrived, the 
Suicerf greater part had already left the Church, but there being a 
invoc. f ew women still remaining, they did as these men had 
charged them, whereupon a piteous spectacle ensued. The 
few women had just risen from prayer and had sat down, 
when the youths having stripped themselves suddenly came 
upon them with stones and clubs. Some of them the god- 
7 «; Mm, less 7 wretches stoned to death; they lacerated with stripes 
voL8.p. tne P erson s of the Virgins, tore off their veils 8 and 
3, note f. exposed their heads, and when they resisted the insult, the 
P " ,r cowards kicked them with their feet. This was dreadful, 
exceedingly dreadful; but what ensued was worse, and 

e rSf l^yawiw, —trades, or workmen, mug, hie l^ym^ims oj/icinarum operas com- 

vid. 8upr. p. 33, r. 2. Montfaucon has a modius exprimere." And be quotes an 

note upon the word in the Collect. Nov. inscription discovered by Spon, rwr§ ri 

t. 2. p. xxvi. where he corrects his Latin 4g*wv tuQatu h X^ywlm, r£h fiafi**. 

in loc. of the former passage very nearly f rah ky§t*mv, vid. Acts xvii. 5. 

in conformity to the rendering given of has been used just above, vid. Suicer. 

it above, p. 33. " In Onomastico monui- Thesaur. in voe. 

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'lite great Church pillaged. 


more intolerable than any outrage. Knowing the holyTR.vui. 
character of the virgins, and that their ears were unac- — 1 — - 
customed to pollution, and that they were better able to 
bear stones and swords than expressions of obscenity, they 
assailed them with such language. This the Arians suggested 
to the young men, and laughed at all they said and did ; 
while the holy Virgins and other godly women fled from 
such words as they would from the bite of asps, but the 
enemies 1 of Christ assisted them in the work, nay even, it 1 p. 270, 
may be, gave utterance to the same; for they were well- note1, 
pleased with the obscenities which the youths vented upon 

12. After this, that they might fully execute the orders §. 56. 
they had received, (for this was what they earnestly desired, 
and what the Count and the Receiver-General instructed 
them to do,) they seized upon the seats, the throne, and the 
table which was of wood g , and the curtains h of the Church, 
and whatever else they were able, and carrying them out 
burnt them before the doors in the great street, and cast 
frankincense upon the flame. Alas ! who will not weep to 
hear of these things, and, it may be, close his ears 3 , that heap. 140 
may not have to endure the recital, esteeming it hurtful j^gg* 8, 
merely to listen to the accounts of such enormities ? More- init. 
over they sang the praises of their idols, and said, " Con- 
stantius hath become a heathen, and the Arians have 
acknowledged our customs;" for indeed they scruple not 
even to pretend heathenism, if only their heresy may be 
established. They even were ready to. sacrifice a heifer 
which drew the water for the gardens at the Caesareum 1 ; 
and would have sacrificed it, had it not been a female k ; for 
they said that it was unlawful for such to be offered among 

8 vid.Flenry's Church History, xxii. e.g. vid. Cod. Theod. xv. 2. even at 
7. p. 129, note k. [Oxf. tr. 1843.] By Daphne, though it abounded in springs, 
specifying the material, Athan. implies ibid. 1. 2. 

that altars were sometimes not of wood. k vid. Herodot. ii. 41. who says that 
h Curtains were at the entrance, and cows and heifers were sacred to Isis. 

before the chancel, vid. Bingh. Antiqu. vid. Jablonski Pantheon JEg. i. 1. §. 15. 

viii. 6. §. 8. Hofman. Lex. in voc. velum, who says that Isis was worshipped in 

also Chrysost. Horn. Hi. in Eph. [tr. p. the shape of a cow, and therefore the 

133, note o.] cows received divine honours. Yet bulls 

1 The royal quarter in Alexandria, were sacrificed to Apis, ibid. iv. 2. §. 9. 

vid. supr. p. 167, note p. In other vid. also Schweighseuser in loc. He- 

Palatia an aqueduct was nectssary, rod. 

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270 Miraculous judgments on the /pillagers. 

Arian 13. Thus acted the impious 1 Arians in conjunction with 
^ Hl ~-the heathens, thinking that these things tended to our dis- 
' i«rn- h° n °ur. But Divine justice reproved their iniquity, and 
0i7f,mis- wrought a great and remarkable miracle*, thereby plainly 
ing, e aa shewing to all men, that as in their acts of impiety 1 they had 
passim, dared to attack none other but the Lord, so in these pro- 
V?2\7*' ceedings also, they were again attempting to do dishonour 
r * 6 * unto Him. This was more manifestly proved by the marvel- 
3 '«4*«-lous 9 event which now came to pass. One of these licentious 
p^sm, youths ran into the Church, and ventured to sit down upon 
n l * the throne ; and as he sat there the wretched man uttered 
with a nasal sound some lascivious song. Then rising up 
he attempted to pull away the throne, and to drag it towards 
him; he knew not that he was drawing down vengeance 
upon himself. For as of old the inhabitants of Azotus, 
when they ventured to touch the Ark, which it was not 
lawful for them even to look upon, were immediately de- 
stroyed by it, being first grievously tormented by emerods ; 
so this unhappy person who presumed to drag the throne, 
drew it upon himself, and, as if Divine justice had sent the 
wood to punish him, he struck it into his own bowels; and 
instead of carrying out the throne, he brought out by the 
blow his own entrails, so that the throne took away his life, 
instead of his taking it away. For, as it is written of Judas, his 
bowels gushed out, and he fell down and was carried away, 
and the day after died. Another also entered the Church 
with boughs of trees, and, as in the Gentile manner he waved 
them in his hands and mocked, he was immediately struck 
with blindness, so as straightway to lose his sight, and to 
know no longer where he was ; but as he was about to fall, 
he was taken by the hand and supported by his companions 
out of the place, and when on the following day he was with 
difficulty brought to his senses, he knew not either what he 
had done or suffered in consequence of his audacity. 
§. 58. 14. The Gentiles, when they beheld these things, were 
seized with fear, and ventured on no further outrage; but 
the Arians were not yet touched with shame, but, like the 

1 vid. vol. 8. p. 1, note 1. This is a *ft&$u>rts, 8cc. being here contrasted 
remarkable instance of the special and with pagan blasphemy, &c. vid. also 
technical sense of the words, w't&u*, p. 269, r. 1. 

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General persecution at Alexandria. 271 

Jews when they saw the miracles, were faithless and would tr. vm. 
not believe, nay, like Pharaoh, they were hardened ; they 67 ~ 59 ' 
too having placed their hopes below, on the Emperor and 
his eunuchs. They permitted the Gentiles, or rather the 
more abandoned of the Gentiles, to act in the manner before 
described ; for they found that Faustinus, who is the Re- 
ceiver-General by style, but is a vulgar 1 person in habits, 1 
and profligate in heart, was ready to play his part with them p^es, 
in these proceedings, and to stir up the heathen. Nay, they note f * 
undertook to do the like themselves, that as they had struck 
off their heresy from all other heresies together 2 , so they 2 p. 244, 
might divide their wickedness with the more depraved part r * lm 
of mankind. What they did through the instrumentality of 
others I have described above; the enormities they com- 
mitted themselves, surpass the bounds of all wickedness; 
and they exceed the vileness of any hangman 3 . Where is 3 
there a house which they did not ravage? where is there r. 3. ' 
a family they did not plunder on pretence of searching 
for their opponents? where is there a garden they did 
not trample under foot? what tomb 4 they did not open, 4 vid. 
pretending they were seeking for Athanasius, though their Hist! iv. 
sole object was to plunder and spoil all that came in their 13 - 
way ? How many men's houses were sealed up ! From how 
many did they accept hospitality to give it to the soldiers 
who assisted them ! Who had not experience of their 
wickedness ? Who that met them in the market-place but 
was obliged to hide himself? Did not many an one leave his 
house from fear of them, and pass the night in the desert ? 
Did not many an one, while anxious to preserve his property 
from them, lose the greater part of it ? And who, however 
inexperienced, did not choose rather to commit himself to 
the sea, and to risk all its dangers, than to witness their 
threatenings ? Many also changed their residences, and 
removed from street to street, and from the city to the 
suburbs. And many submitted to severe fines, and when 
they were unable to pay, borrowed of others, merely that 
they might escape their machinations. 

15. For they made themselves formidable to all men, and §. 59. 
treated all with great arrogance, using the name of the Emperor, 
and threatening them with his displeasure. They had to 

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Martyrdom of Eutychius. 

Am an assist them in their wickedness the Duke Sebastianup, a 

- Manichee, and a profligate young man ; the Prefect, the 

Count, and the Receiver-General to play his part. Many 
Virgins who condemned their impiety, and professed the 
truth, they threw down from the houses; others they insulted 
as they walked along the streets, and caused their heads to 
»p. 968, be uncovered 1 by their young men. They also gave per- 
r " " mission to the females of their party to insult whom they 
chose ; and although the holy and faithful women withdrew 
on one side, and gave them the way, yet they gathered 
round them like Bacchanals and Furies m , and esteemed it a 
misfortune if they found no means to injure them, and spent 
that day sorrowfully on which they were unable to do them 
some mischief. In a word, so cruel and bitter were they 

* p. 271, against all, that all men called them hangmen 2 , murderers, 
" * lawless, intruders, evil-doers, and by any other name rather 

note b. ' t nan that of Christians 3 . 

§. 60. 16. Moreover, imitating the savage practices of Scythians 4 , 

* p 1 * 2 ^ they seized upon Eutychius the Sub-deacon, a man who had 
Hof- served the Church honourably, and causing him to be 
voo fin. scourged on the back with a heathen whip, till he was at the 

point of death, they demanded that he should be sent away 
to the mines ; and not simply to any mine, but to that of 
Phaeno n , where even a condemned murderer is hardly able 
to live a few days. And what was most unreasonable in 
their conduct, they would not permit him even a few hours 
to have his wounds* dressed, but caused him to be sent off 
immediately, saying, " If this is done, all men will be afraid, 
and henceforward will be on our side." After a short 
interval however, being unable to accomplish his journey to 
the mine on account of the pain of his wounds, he died on 
the way. He perished rejoicing, having obtained the glory 
of martyrdom. 

m vid. vol. 8. p. 91, note q. also Greg. 
Naz. Orat. 35. 3. Epiph. Hair. 69. 3. 
Theod. Hist i. 3. (p. 730. ed. Schulze.) 

n The mines of Phspno lie almost in 
a direct line between Petrse and Zoar, 
which is at the southern extremity of the 
Dead Sea. They formed the place of pu- 
nishment of Confessors in the Maximi- 
nian Persecution, Euseb. de Mart.Pal.7. 

and in the Arian Persecution at Alex- 
andria after Athan. Theod. Hist, i v. 19. 
p. 996. Phsenon was once the seat of a 
Bishopric, which sent a Bishop to the 
Councils at Ephesus, the Ecumenical, 
tine, pp. 951, 952. Montfaucon tin loc. 
Athan. Le Quien. Or. Christ, t. 3. 
p. 745. 

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Scourging of Hermias and three others, 273 

17. But the miscreants 1 were not even yet ashamed, but in ^ vjii. 

the words of Scripture, having bowels without mercy, they x ^ t ^ f 

acted accordingly, and now again perpetrated a devilish 9 p rov . 

deed. When the people prayed them to spare Eutychius 12 - 

and besought them for him, they caused four honourable m i 9) vo ). 

and free citizens to be seized, one of whom was Hermias 8> P* 9 » 

' note s. 

who washed the beggars' feet°; and after scourging them 
very severely, the Duke cast them into the prison. But the 
Arians, who are more cruel even than Scythians 3 , when they 3 pp-272, 
saw that they did not die from the stripes they had received, 275, r.4. 
complained of the Duke and threatened, saying, " We will 
write and tell the eunuchs, that he does not flog as we 
wish." Hearing this he was afraid, and was obliged to beat 
the men a second time ; and they being beaten, and knowing 
for what cause they suffered and by whom they had been 
accused, said only, " We are beaten for the sake of the 
Truth, but we will not hold communion with the heretics ; 
beat us now as thou wilt ; God will judge thee for this." 
The impious heretics 4 wished to expose them to danger in 4 mis- 
the prison, that they might die there ; but the people of creant8, 
God observing their time, besought him for them, and after 
seven days or more they were set at liberty. 

18. But the Arians, as being grieved at this, again devised §.61. 
another yet more cruel and unholy deed ; cruel in the eyes 

of all men, but well suited to their antichristiau heresy. 
Our Lord commanded that we should remember the poor ; 
He said, Sell that ye have, and give alms ; and again, / was Lukei2, 
a hungred, and ye gave Me meat; I was thirsty, and V e ^ &t25 
gave Me drink ; for inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of 35. 40. ' 
these little ones, ye have done it unto Me. But these men, 
as being in truth opposed to Christ, have presumed to act 
contrary to His will in this respect also. For when the 
Duke gave up the Churches to the Arians, and the destitute 
persons and widows were unable to continue any longer in 

0 *Efi«s/«>, rout kw&ivt, 

" Inauspicato verterat Hermantius, qui 
angiportos non pervios lavabat." Mont- 
fancon, Coll. Nov. t. 2. p. xliii. who 
translates as above, yet not satisfactorily, 
especially as there is no article before 
X»»§rrM Tillemont says, " qui avait 
quelle charge dans la police de la ville," 

understanding by dp't£$$«, " inclusi sive 
incarcerati homines;" whereas they 
are " ii qui *m rag i%fi*vt in exitibus 
viarum, stipem cogunt." Montf. ibid. 
For the custom of washing the feet, vid. 
Bingh. Antiqu. xii. 4. §. 10. Justinian 
in 1 Ep. ad Trin. v. 10. 

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llltreatment of the poor 

a Ri an them, the widows sat down in places which the Clergy 

entrusted with the care of them appointed. And when the 

A nans saw that the brethren readily ministered unto them 
and supported them, they persecuted them also, beating 

1 p. 284, them on the feet 1 , and accused those who gave to them 
r * 10 " before the Duke. This was done by means of a certain 

soldier named Dynamius. And it was well-pleasing to 
Sebastian, for there is no mercy in the Manichaeans ; nay, it 
is considered a hateful thing among them to shew mercy to 
a poor man. Here then was a novel subject of complaint ; 
and a new kind of court now first invented by the Arians. 
Persons were brought to trial for acts of kindness which they 
had performed ; he who shewed mercy was accused, and he 
who had received a benefit was beaten; and they wished 
rather that a poor man should suffer hunger, than that he 
who was willing to shew mercy should give to him. Such 
sentiments these modern Jews, for such they are, have 
learned from the Jews of old, who when they saw him who 
had been blind from his birth recover his sight, and him 
who had been a long time sick of the palsy made whole, 

2 vid de accused our Lord who had bestowed these benefits upon 
Deer, them, and judged them to be transgressors who had ex- 
p. 3. tF perienced His goodness 2 . 

§. 62. 19. Who was not struck with astonishment at these pro- 
ceedings? Who did not execrate both the heresy, and its 
defenders? Who failed to perceive that the Arians are indeed 
more cruel than wild beasts ? For they had no prospect of 
3 vid.vol.gain s from their iniquity, for the sake of which they might 
note 1 c. 1, ^ iave acte( i lu tn ^ s manner; but they rather increased the 
* p. 248, hatred 4 of all men against themselves. They thought by 
r * 3, treachery and terror to force certain persons into their 
heresy, so that they might be brought to communicate with 
them; but the event turned out quite the contrary. The 
sufferers endured as martyrdom whatever they inflicted upon 
them, and neither betrayed nor denied the true faith in 
Christ. And those that were without and witnessed their 
conduct, and at last even the heathen when they saw these 
5 «»« - things, execrated them as antichristian 6 , as cruel executioners 6 ; 
f° r numan nature is prone to pity and sympathise with the 

p. 247, poor. But these men have lost even the common senti- 

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and of the Presbyters and Deacons. 


merits of humanity ; and that kindness which they would tr. vm. 

have desired to meet with at the hands of others, had them - — - 

selves been sufferers, they would not permit others to receive, 
but employed against them the severity and authority of the 
magistrates, and especially of the Duke. 

20. What they did to the Presbyters and Deacons; how they 63. 
drove them into banishment under sentence passed upon 
them by the Duke and the Magistrates, causing the soldiers 
to throw down their kinsfolk from the houses 1 , and Gorgonius 1 p. 272 
the commander of the police 2 to beat them with stripes ; 9^ mtn . 
and how (most cruel act of all) with much insolence they 7«»> infr - 

p. 295, 

plundered the bread* of these and of those who were now note b. 
dead ; these things it is impossible for words to describe, for 
their cruelty surpasses all the powers of language. What 
terms could one employ which might seem equal to the 
subject? What circumstances could one mention first, so 
that those next recorded would not be found more dreadful, 
and the next more dreadful still? All their attempts and 
iniquities 3 were full of murder and impiety; and so un- 3 
scrupulous and artful are they, that they endeavour to fum 
deceive by promises of protection, and by bribing with 
money 4 , that so, since they cannot recommend themselves by 4 pp.i36, 
fair means, they may thereby- appear to the simple to make^. 286 ' 
some show. 

* «-#&f ^nm, the word occurs above, " most cruel of all, with much insolence 
pp. 7, 192, 267. in this sense ; but they tore the limbs of the dead," alleg- 
N annius, Hermant, and Tillemont,with ing that merely to take away loaves was 
some plausibility understand it as a not so " cruel" as to take away lives, 
Latin term naturalized, and translate which the Arians had done. 

T 2 

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^.64. 1. Who would call them even by the name of Gentiles ; 

1 p. 208, much less by that of Christians 1 ? Would any one regard their 
note b. jjgjjjk an( j feelings as human, and not rather those of wild 

beasts, seeing their cruel and savage conduct ? They are 

2 p. 274, more malignant than public hangmen 2 ; more audacious than 
r * 6 * all other heretics. To the Gentiles they are much inferior, 
3 pp.235, and stand far apart and separate from them 3 . I have heard 
2 5 3 r l from our fathers, and I believe their report to be a faithful 

one, that long ago, when a persecution arose in the time of 
Maximian, the grandfather of Constantius, the Gentiles 
concealed our brethren the Christians, who were sought 
after, and frequently suffered the loss of their own sub- 
stance, and had trial of imprisonment, solely that they 
might not betray the fugitives. They protected those who 
fled to them for refuge, as they would have done their own 
persons, and were determined to run all risks on their 
behalf. But now these admirable persons, the inventors of 
* p. 275 a new heresy, act altogether the contrary part 4 , and are dis- 
lnlt * tinguished for nothing, but their treachery. They have 
appointed themselves as executioners 2 , and seek to betray 
all alike, and make those who conceal others the objects of 
their plots, esteeming equally as their enemy both him that 
conceals and him that is concealed. So murderous are 


Martyrdom of Secundus of Barea. 277 
they ; so emulous in their evil-doings of the wickedness ofTR.viti. 

t j 64 — 66. 


2. The crimes these men have committed cannot worthily §. 65. 
be described. I would only say, that as I write and wish to 
enumerate all their deeds of iniquity, the thought enters my 
mind, whether this heresy be not the fourth daughter of the Prov. 
horse-leach 1 in the Proverbs, since after so many acts off^.Jgi 
injustice, so many murders ; it hath not yet said, 'It is r « 2 - 
enough.' No; it still rages, and goes about 2 seeking 2 *^- 
after those whom it has not yet discovered, while those * ^S, 
whom it has already injured, it is eager to injure anew -^ e '|^ 
After the midnight attack, after the evils committed in§. 2 e fin. 
consequence of it, after the persecution brought about by 
Heraclius, they cease not yet to accuse us falsely before 

the Emperor, (and they are confident that as impious 
persons they will obtain a hearing,) desiring that something 
more than banishment may be inflicted upon us, and that 
hereafter those who do not consent to their impieties may 
be destroyed. Accordingly, being now emboldened in an 
extreme degree, that most abandoned Secundus 3 of Penta- 3 p. 133, 
polis, and Stephanus 4 his accomplice, conscious that theirl # p % 36 ^ 
heresy was a defence of any injustice they might commit, on 
discovering a Presbyter at Barea who would not comply 
with their desires, (he was called Secundus, being of the 
same name, but not of the same faith with the heretic,) they 
kicked till he died b . While he was thus suffering he 
imitated the Saint and said, " Let no one avenge my cause 
before human judges ; I have the Lord for my avenger, for 
whose sake I suffer these things at their hands." They how- 
ever were not moved with pity at these words, nor did they 
feel any awe of the sacred season ; for it was during the 
time of Lent 5 that they thus kicked the man to death. noi/& 

3. O new heresy, that hast put on the whole devil in§. 66. 
impiety and wicked deeds ! For in truth it is but a lately 
invented evil; and although certain heretofore appear to 
have adopted its doctrines, yet they concealed them and 
were not known to hold them. But Eusebius and Arius, 

b In like manner the party of Dio- to death Flavian, Patriarch of Con- 
scorus at the Latrocinium, or Eutychian stantinople. 
Council of Ephe8us, A.D. 449. kicked 

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278 Avians worse than other heretics 

Arian like serpents coming out of their holes, have vomited 1 forth 
Hist. ^ e p 0 i son » G f this impiety ; Arius daring to blaspheme 

tr.p.!S. 0 P en ly, and Eusebius defending his blasphemy. He was 
tJ ra $ia2 not however able to support the heresy, until, as I said 
•Orati! before, he found a patron 3 for it in the Emperor. Our 
i?Y P i89 fathers called an Ecumenical Council, when three hundred 
218. of them, more or less, met together and condemned the 
r . p <i. ' Arian heresy, and all declared that it was alien and strange 
<u»x*-to the faith of the Church 4 . Upon this its supporters, 
•S^* 1 perceiving that they were dishonoured and had now no 
tr^aia 8 0 °d fiF 01111 ** °f argument to insist upon, devised a different 
r. 4*. 1 method, and attempted to vindicate it by means of external 

Vales. 4. And herein one may especially admire the novelty as 
HiS 1 ii. we ^ as wickedness of their device, and how they go beyond 
2S- all other heresies. For these support their fond 6 inventions 
r . P i . ' by persuasive arguments calculated to deceive the simple ; 
V^'pa-the Greeks, as the Apostle has said, make their attack with 
sublime and enticing words, and with plausible fallacies; 
the Jews, leaving the divine Scriptures, now, as the Apostle 
iTim.i, again has said, contend about fables and endless genealogies; 
and the Manichees and Valentinians with them, and others, 
corrupting the divine Scriptures, put forth fables in terms of 
their own invention. But the Arians are bolder than them 
all, and have shewn that the other heresies are but their 
7 p. 244. younger sisters 7 , whom, as 1 have said, they surpass in 
impiety, emulating them all, and especially the Jews, in 
their iniquity. For as the Jews, when they were unable to 
prove the charges which they pretended to allege against 
Paul, straightway led him to the chief captain and the 
governor ; so likewise these men, who surpass the Jews in 
their devices, make use only of the power of the judges; and 
if any one so much as speaks against them, he is dragged 
§. 67. before the Governor or the General. The other heresies 
also, when the. very Truth has refuted them on the clearest 
evidence, are wont to be silent, being simply confounded by 
their conviction. But this modern and accursed heresy, 
when it is overthrown by argument, when it is cast down 
and covered with shame by the very Truth, forthwith en- 
deavours to reduce by violence and stripes and imprison- 

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as propagating their doctrines by force. 279 
ment those whom it has been unable to persuade by tr. viii. 

66 67 

argument, thereby acknowledging itself to be any thing — - — - 
rather than godly. For it is the part of true godliness not to 
compel 0 , but to persuade, as I said before 1 . Thus our Lord 1 p. 257, 
Himself, not as employing force, but as offering to their r ' 5, 
free choice, has said to all, If any man will follow after Mat.i6, 
Me ; and to His disciples, Will ye also go away ? j 4 0 " hn 6> 

5. This heresy however is altogether alien from godliness ; 
and therefore how otherwise should it act, than contrary to 
our Saviour, seeing also that it has enlisted that enemy of 
Christ Constantius, as it were Antichrist himself 2 , to be its 2 vid.voi. 
leader in impiety? He for its sake has earnestly endeavoured *'Jfe ™' 
to emulate Saul in savage cruelty. For when the priests 
gave victuals to David, Saul commanded, and they were all 
destroyed, in number three hundred and five 3 ; and this man, 3 85 
now that all avoid the heresy, and confess a sound faith in Jec!text. 
the Lord, overthrows a Council of full three hundred Bishops, 
banishes the Bishops themselves, and hinders the people from 
the practice of piety, and from their prayers to God, pre- 
venting their public assemblies. And as Saul overthrew 
Nob, the city of the priests, so this man, advancing even 
further in wickedness, has given up the Churches to the 
impious. And as he honoured Doeg the accuser before 

c The eariy theory ahout persecution and rational grounds in the cause so 
seems to have been this, — that that was maintained. Again, there was an evi- 
a bad cause which depended upon it, dent impropriety in ecclesiastical func- 
but that, when a came was good, there tionaries using secular weapons, as 
was nothing wrong in using force in due there would be in their engaging in a 
subordination to argument ; that there secular pursuit, or forming secular con- 
was as little impropriety in the civil nections ; whereas the soldier might as 
magistrate's inducing individuals by suitably, and should as dutifully, defend 
force, when they were incapable of religion with the sword, as the scholar 
higher motives, as by those secular with his pen. And further there was an 
blessings which follow on Christianity, abhorrence of cruelty natural to us. 
Our Lord's kingdom was not of this which it was a duty to cherish and 
world, that is, it did not depend on this maintain. All this being considered, 
world; but, as subduing, engrossing, there is no inconsistency in St. Atha- 
and swaying this world, it at times con- nasius denouncing persecution, and in 
descended to make use of this world's Theodosius decreeing that " the hure- 
weapons against itself. The simple tical teachers, who usurped the sacred 
question was whether a cause depended titles of Bishops or Presbyters," should 
enforce for Us existence. St. Athana- be " exposed to the heavy penalties of 
sius declared, and the event proved, exile and confiscation." Gibbon, Hist, 
that Arianism was so dependent. When ch. 27. For a list of passages from the 
Emperors ceased to persecute, Arianism Fathers on the subject, vid. Limborch 
ceased to be; it had no life in itself, on the Inquisition, vol. 1. 
Again, all cruel persecution, or long Laicis, c. 21. 22. and of authors in 
continued, or on a large scale, was favour of persecution, vid. Gerhard de 
wrong, as arguing an absence of moral Magistr. Polit. p. 741, &c. 


280 Constantius worse than Saul, Ahab, and Pilate. 

Am an the true priests, and persecuted David, giving ear to the 

-Ziphites; so this man prefers heretics to the godly, and 

even persecutes them that flee from him, giving ear to his 
own eunuchs, who falsely accuse the orthodox. He does 
not perceive that whatever he does or writes in behalf of the 
heresy of the Arians, amounts to an attack upon his Saviour. 
68. 6. Ahab himself did not act so cruelly towards the priests 
of God, as this man has acted towards the Bishops. For he 
was at least pricked in his conscience when Naboth had 
been murdered, and was afraid at the sight of Elias ; but 
this man neither reverenced the great Hosius, nor was 
wearied or pricked in conscience, after banishing so many 
Bishops ; but like another Pharaoh, the more he is afflicted, 
the more he is hardened, and imagines greater wickedness 
day by day. And the most extraordinary instance of his 
iniquity was the following. It happened that when the 
Bishops were condemned to banishment, certain other 
persons also received their sentence on charges of murder 
or sedition or theft, each according to the quality of his 
offence. These men after a few months he released, on 
being requested to do so, as Pilate did Barabbas ; but the 
servants of Christ he not only refused to set at liberty, but 
even sentenced them to more unmerciful punishment in the 
place of their exile, proving himself a perpetual torment to them. 
To the others through congeniality of disposition he became 
a friend ; but to the orthodox he was an enemy on account 
of their true faith in Christ. Is it not clear to all men from 
hence, that the Jews of old when they demanded Barabbas, 
and crucified the Lord, acted but the part which these 
present enemies of Christ are acting together with Con- 
l . nfr stantius ? nay, that he is even more bitter than Pilate. For 
p. ! 284, Pilate when he perceived the injustice of the deed, washed 
r ' 207 ^ S k an< * s ' but this man, while he banishes the saints, 
f. i. ' gnashes 1 his teeth against them more and more. 
§. 69. 7. But what wonder is it if, after he has been led into 
impious errors, he is so cruel towards the Bishops, since the 
common feelings of humanity could not induce him to spare 
even his own kindred? His uncles d he slew; his cousins 

d The brothers of Constantine were these Julius Constantius was father of 
Julius Constantius, and Dalmatius ; of GaJlus and Julian, and Dalmatius of 

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His past conduct to his own relations. 


he put out of the way ; he commiserated not the sufferings 
of his father-in-law, though he had married his daughter, or 
of his kinsmen ; but he has ever been a transgressor of his 
oath towards all. So likewise he treated his brother in an 
unholy manner; and now he pretends to build his sepulchre, 
although he delivered up to the barbarians his betrothed 
wife Olympias, whom he had protected till his death, and 
had brought up as his intended consort. Moreover he 
attempted to set aside his wishes, although he boasts to be 
his heir 1 ; for so he writes, in terms which any one possessed 
but of a small measure of sense would be ashamed of. But 
when I compare his letters, 1 find that he does not possess 
common understanding, but that his mind is solely regulated 
by the suggestions of others, and is by no means in his 
own power. Now Solomon says, If a ruler hearken to 
lies, all his servants are wicked. This man proves by his 
actions that he is such an unjust one, and that those about 
him are wicked. 

8. How then, being such an one, and taking pleasure in 
such associates, can he ever design any thing just or 
reasonable, entangled as he is in the iniquity of his fol- 
lowers, men given to sorcery, who have trampled his brains 


1 p. 264, 
note a. 

29, 12. 

§. 70. 

p. 94, note s. p. 108, note c.) Constantine 
had put his two last-mentioned nephews 
almoston an equality with his three sons; 
Dalmatius being a Caesar, and Hanni- 
balianus " King," the only prince with 
that title in any age of the Empire. 
On the Emperor's death some of his 
great officers as well as the soldiers and 
people came to a resolution that none 
but his sons should be their masters. 
Constantius promised his kinsmen his 
protection under an oath; but Euse- 
bius of Nicomedia produced a last will 
of Constantine's, in which he declared 
his suspicions that he had been poi- 
soned by his brothers, and called on his 
sons to avenge him. Vid. Gibbon, ch. 18. 
who continues, " The spirit, and even 
the forms of legal proceedings were re- 
peatedly violated in a promiscuous mas- 
sacre; which involved the two uncles 
of Constantius, seven of his cousins, of 
whom Dalmatius and Hannibalianus 
were the most illustrious, the Patrician 
Optatus, who had married a sister of 
the late Emperor, and the Prefect Ab- 

lavius, whose power and riches had in- 
spired him with some hope of obtaining 
the purple." p. 132. Constantius had 
married the daughter of his uncle Julius 
Constantius, and had given his sister 
in marriage to his cousin Hannibalia- 
nus. " Of so numerous a family," con- 
tinues Gibbon, " Gallus and Julian 
alone, the two youngest children of 
Constantius, were saved from the hands 
of the assassins." Constantius married 
Gallus to his sister, and made him 
Caesar. Gallus abused his power, was 
recalled from the seat of his govern- 
ment, and beheaded in prison. Olym- 
pias was the daughter of Ablavius, 
who was betrothed to the Emperor 
Constans; about the time of Ath.'s 
writing, Constantius married her to 
Arsaces, king of Armenia. Amm. 
Marcell. xx. 11 init. We may sup- 
pose A than, in the text expresses the 
feeling of the day at this alliance, or 
of Constantius's enemies. Arsaces was 
a Christian. St. Olympias was niece 
to this Olympias. Tillem. Empereurs, 
t. 4. p. 219. 

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Inconstancy of Comtantius. 

AaiAN under the soles of their feet ? Wherefore he now writes 

■ Hl8T * letters, and then repents that he has written them, and after 
repenting is again stirred up to anger, and then again 
laments his fate, and being undetermined what to do, he 
shews a soul destitute of understanding. Being then of 
such a character, one would rather pity him, because that 
under the semblance and name of freedom he is the slave of 
those who drag him on to gratify their own impious pleasure. 
In a word, while through his folly and inconstancy, as the 
Scripture saith, he is willing to comply with the desires of 
others, he has given himself up to condemnation, to be 
consumed by fire in the future judgment; at once con- 
senting to do whatever they wish, and gratifying them in 
their designs against the Bishops, and in their exertion of 
authority over the Churches. 

9. For behold, he has now again thrown into disorder all 
the Churches of Alexandria and of Egypt and Libya, and 
has publicly given orders, that the Bishops of the Catholic 
Church and faith be cast out of them, and that they be given 
up to the professors of the Arian doctrines. The General 
began to carry this order into execution ; and straightway 
Bishops were sent off in chains, and Presbyters and Monks 
bound with iron, after being almost beaten to death with 
stripes. Disorder prevails in every place; all Egypt and 
Libya are in danger, the people being indignant at this 
unjust command, and seeing in it the preparation for the 
coming of Antichrist, and beholding their property plundered 
by others, and given up into the hands of the heretics. 

§. 71. 10. When was ever such iniquity heard of? when was 
such an evil deed ever perpetrated, even in times of per- 
secution? They were heathens who persecuted formerly; 
but they did not bring their idols into the Churches. 
Zenobia was a Jewess, and a supporter of Paul of Samosata ; 
but she did not give up the Churches to the Jews for 

l t&n Synagogues. This is a new piece of iniquity 1 . It is not 
simply persecution, but more than persecution, it is a prelude 

2 vol. 8. and preparation 2 for the coming of Antichrist. Even if it be 
Sote q. admitted 3 that they invented false charges against Athanasius 

3 *22i ^ e rest °^ ^ e bishops w hom they banished, yet what is 
f. 5. ' this to their later practices ? What charges have they to allege 

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Banishment of Egyptian Bishops. 288 

against the whole of Egypt and Libya and Pentapolis 1 F ForT«uvm. 
they have begun no longer to lay their plots against in- 1 - ^ 
dividuals, in which case they might be able to frame a lie $. 3. 7 
against them ; but they have set upon all in a body, so that, 
however they may wish to invent accusations against them, 
they must be condemned. Thus their wickedness has 
blinded their understanding; and they have required, without 
any reason assigned, that the whole body of the Bishops 
shall be expelled, and thereby they shew that the charges 
they framed against Athanasius and the rest of the Bishops 
whom they banished were false, and invented for no other 
purpose than to support the accursed heresy of the Arian 
enemies of Christ. 

11. This is now no longer concealed, but has become 
most manifest to all men. He commanded Athanasius to 
be expelled out of the city, and gave up the Churches to 
them. And the Presbyters and Deacons that were with 
him, who had been appointed by Peter and Alexander, were 
also expelled and driven into banishment; and the real 
Arians, who not through any suspicions arising from circum- 
stances 3 , but on account of the heresy had been expelled at*Zg»fo 
first together with Arius himself by the Bishop Alexander, 
Secundus in Libya, in Alexandria Euzoius 3 the Chananean, 3 infr. 
Julius, Ammon, Marcus, Irenaeus, Zozimus, and Serapion 
surnamed Pelycon, and in Libya Sisinnius, and the younger 
men with him, associates in his impiety; these obtained 
possession of the Churches. And the General Sebastian §. 72. 
wrote to the governors and military authorities in every 
place; and the true Bishops were persecuted, and those 
who professed impious doctrines were brought in in their 
stead. They banished Bishops who had grown old in 
orders 4 , and had been many years in the Episcopate, having 4 xx^ f 
been ordained by the Bishop Alexander; Ammonius^,5p. 193. 
Hermes, Anagamphus, and Marcus, they sent to the Upper 
Oasis; Muis, Psenosiris, Nilammon, Plenes, Marcus, and 
Athenodorus to Ammoniaca, with no other intention than 
that they should perish in their passage through the deserts. 
They had no pity on them though they were suffering from 
disease, and indeed proceeded on their journey with so 
much difficulty on account of their weakness, that they were 

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284 Nuns and forty laymen scourged, murdered, or banished. 

Arian obliged to be carried in litters, and their sickness was so 
HlST - dangerous that the materials for their burial accompanied 
them. One of them indeed died, but they would not even 
i pp.228, permit the body to be given up to his friends for interment 1 . 
193,r ' 2, With the same purpose they banished also the Bishop 
a p. 193. Dracontius 2 to the desert places about Clysma, Philo to 
Babylon, Adelphius to Psinabla in the Thebais, and the 
Presbyters Hierax and Dioscorus to Syene. They likewise 
drove into exile Ammonius, Agathus, Agathodaemon, Apol- 
lonius, Eulogius, Apollo, Paphnutius, Gaius, and Flavius, 
:l ancient 3 Bishops, as also the Bishops Dioscorus, Ammonius, 
266^.5. Heraclides, and Psais ; some of whom they gave up to work 
in the stone-quarries, others they persecuted with an in- 
tention to destroy, and many others they plundered. 

12. They banished also forty of the laity, with certain 

4 p. 192. virgins whom they had before exposed to the fire 4 ; beating 

them so severely with rods taken from the palm-tree, that 
after lingering five days some of them died, and others had 
recourse to medical treatment on account of the thorns left 
in their limbs, from which they suffered torments worse than 

5 p. 193. death 5 . But what is most dreadful to the mind of any man 
40 ^en. °f souri( l understanding, though characteristic of these 

6 misbe- miscreants 6 , is this: When the Virgins during the scourging 
hevers. ca \\ G fi U p 0n the Name of Christ, they gnashed their teeth 
7 p. 280, against them with increased fury 7 . Nay more, they would 
r * 1# not give up the bodies of the dead to their friends for burial, 

but concealed them that they might appear to be ignorant of 
the murder. They did not however escape detection ; the 
whole city perceived it, and all men withdrew from them as 
8 p. 275, executioners 8 , as malefactors and robbers. Moreover they 
V#t«- overthrew monasteries 9 , and endeavoured to cast the Monks 
rT^#* into the fire ; they plundered houses, and breaking into the 
house of certain free citizens where the Bishop had de- 
posited a treasure, they plundered and took it away. They 
io p. 274, scourged the widows on the soles of their feet 10 , and hindered 
r * L them from receiving their alms. 

§.73. 13. Such were the iniquities practised by the Arians; 
and as to their further deeds of impiety, who could hear the 
account of them without shuddering? They had caused 
these venerable old men and aged Bishops to be sent into 

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Heathens advanced to the sees for money payments. 285 

banishment ; they now appointed in their stead profligate tr. vm. 
heathen youths, whom they thought to raise at once to the 
highest dignity, though they were not even Catechumens 1 . 1 vid. 
And others who were accused of bigamy % and even of worse 
crimes, they nominated Bishops on account of the wealth part 2. i, 
and civil power which they possessed, and sent them out as l art ' 2, 
it were from a market, upon their giving them gold 2 . And 2 P- 5 » r - 1 - 
now more dreadful calamities befel the people. For when?.'i, ' 
they rejected these mercenary dependents of the Arians, so 
alien from themselves, they were scourged, they were pro- 
scribed, they were shut up in prison by the General, (who 
did all this readily, being a Manichee,) in order that they 
might no longer seek after their own Bishops, but be forced 
to accept those whom they abominated, men who were now 
guilty of the same mockeries as they had before practised 
among their idols. 

14. Will not every just person break forth into lamenta-§. 74. 
tions at the sight or hearing of these things, at perceiving 
the arrogance and extreme injustice of these impious men f 
The righteous lament in the place of the impious. After allProv. 
these things, and now that the impiety has reached such a|g^ 8 " 
pitch of audacity, who will any longer venture to call this 
Costyllius f a Christian, and not rather the image of Anti- 
christ ? For what mark of Antichrist is yet wanting to him ? 
How can he in any way fail to be regarded as he ? or how 
can the latter fail to be supposed such a one as he is ? Did 
not the Arians and the Gentiles offer those sacrifices in the 
great Church in the Caesareum 3 , and utter their blasphemies 3 p- 269, 
against Christ as by His command ? And does not the 
vision of Daniel thus describe Antichrist; that he shall 
make war with the saints, and prevail against them, and 
exceed all that have been before him in evil deeds, and shall 
humble three kings, and speak words against the Most High, 
and shall think to change times and laws ? Now what other 
person besides Constantius has ever attempted to do these 
things ? He is surely such a one as Antichrist would be. 
He speaks words against the Most High by supporting this 

e hytnmsit, not Ityufxoif. on the latter, or a quasi diminutive from Constantius, 

vid. Suicer, Thes. in voc. hym/ita. Ter- as Agathyllus from Agathocles, Heryl- 

tull. Works, tr. vol. i. p. 419, note N. lus from Heracles, &c. vid. Matth. Gr. 

f An irregularly formed diminutive, Gramm. §. 102. ed. 1820. 

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286 Conslantius a figure of Antichrist. 

A man impious heresy : he makes war against the saints by banishing 
Hl9T ' the Bishops ; although indeed he exercises this power but 
for a little while* to his own destruction. Moreover he has 
surpassed those before him in wickedness, having devised a 
new mode of persecution; and after he had overthrown three 
kings, namely Vetranio, Magnentius, and Gallus, he straight- 
1 p. 278, way undertook the patronage 1 of impiety ; and like a giant h 
r ' 3 ' he has dared in his pride to set himself up against the Most 

15. He has thought to change laws, by transgressing the 
ordinance of the Lord given us through His Apostles, by 
altering the customs of the Church, and inventing a new 
kind of ordinations. For he sends from strange places distant 

* p. 133, a fifty days' journey 2 , Bishops attended by soldiers to people 
r ' 10 ' unwilling to receive them ; and instead of an introduction to 

the acquaintance of their people, they bring with them 
threatening messages, and letters to the magistrates. Thus 
3 vol. 8. he has sent Gregory from Cappadocia to Alexandria ; he has 
notcfe. transferred Germinius 3 from Cyzicus to Sirmium; he has 
§. 75. removed Cecropius 4 from Laodicea to Nicomedia. Again he 
« p. 133, transferred from Cappadocia to Milan one Auxentius 5 , a man 

* vol 8 pragmatic^ rather than Christian, whom he commanded to 
p. 82, stay there after he had banished for his piety towards Christ, 
note x. £>i 0I1 y Snis Bishop of the place, a godly man. But this 

person was as yet even ignorant of the Latin language, and 
unskilful in every thing except impiety. And now one George 
«dc#K«-a Cappadocian, who was contractor of stores 6 at Constanti- 
J3T' 192 ^nople, having embezzled all monies that he received, 
264, was obliged to fly, he commanded to enter Alexandria with 
note b. miliary pomp, and supported by the authority of the General. 
And he, finding there one Epictetus* a novice, a bold young 

8 Short lives are generally consi- h Deer. §. 32. tr. p. 58, note 
dered the destiny of the Church's perse- m. Orat. ii. §. 32. Naz. Orat. 43, 26. 
cutors, and length of days the token of Socr. Hist. v. 10. p. 268. 
her protectors. What of old was said i Epictetus is mentioned above, p. 
of pain, applies to persecution — si gra- 133, where he is called &r#»{/m#, which 
vis, brevis ; Antichrist's oppression seems after Montfaucon was translated * 'stage- 
to be marked out as three years and a player." It is a question, however, espe- 
half. Constantius died at 45, having cially considering the correspondence 
openly apostatized for about six years, between that passage and the present, 
Julian died at 32, after a reign of a whether more than 'actor' is meant by 
year and a half. vid. supr. p. 245, r. 4. it, alluding to the mockery of an ordi- 
vid. also Bellarmin. de Notis Eccl. 17. nation in which he seems to have taken 
and 18. part. Though an Asiatic apparently 

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Substitution of Felix at Rome for Liberius. 287 

man, made him bis friend k , perceiving that he was ready forTn.vni. 
any wickedness ; and by bis means he carries on his designs y4 ~~ y6 ' 
against those of the Bishops whom he desires to ruin. For 
he is prepared to do every thing that the Emperor wishes ; 
who accordingly availing himself of his assistance, has com- 
mitted at Rome a strange act, but one truly resembling the 
malice of Antichrist. Having made preparations in the 
Palace instead of the Church, and caused some three of his 
own eunuchs to attend instead of the people, he then 
compelled three 1 ill-conditioned spies 1 , (for one cannot call*pp.22i, 
them Bishops,) to ordain forsooth as Bishop one Felix m , a^ 263 ' 
man worthy of them, then in the Palace. For the people 
perceiving the iniquitous proceedings of the heretics would 
not allow them to enter the Churches, and withdrew them- 
selves entirely from them. 

16. Now what is yet wanting to make him Antichrist? or§. 76. 
what more could Antichrist do at his coming than this man 
has done ? Will he not find when he comes that the way 
has been already prepared for him by this man easily to 
deceive the people ? Again, he claims to himself the right of 
deciding causes, which he refers to the Court instead of the 
Church, and presides at them in person. And strange it is 
to say, when he perceives the accusers at a loss, he takes up 
the accusation himself, so that the injured party may no 
longer be able to defend himself on account of the violence 
which he displays. This he did in the proceedings against 
Athanasius. For when he saw the boldness of the Bishops 
Paulinus, Lucifer, Eusebius, and Dionysius, and how out of 

by birth, he was made Bishop of Civita 
V ecchia. We hear of him at the con- 
ference between Constantius and Libe- 
rius. Theod. Hist. ii. 13. Then he 
assists in the ordination of Felix. After- 
wards he made a martyr of S. Ruffinian 
by making him run before his carriage; 
and he ends his historical career by 
taking a chief part among the Arians at 
Ariminum, vid. Tillem. t. 6. p. 380, &c. 
Ughell. Ital. 1. 10. p. 56. 

* The Greek is 9 E«t»mrU nta... 
yfwrig#9. . . flyaflmrf », ». r. X. So in 
the account of the ti**Ux»t-, *0 & *I»r#t* 
ifi&xtyag *br$ t ny&xntvt «Jrw. Mark 
x. 21. 

1 i. e. to keep up the form of the 

canonical number; and so a century 
earlier, in the case of Novatian, in the 
same see, while the capital was still 
heathen, we read in Eusebius that he 
brought from some obscure part of Italy 
" threeBishops," " rustic and ignorant," 
who after a full meal, when they were 
not themselves, consecrated him. Hist, 
vi. 43. On the custom itself, vid. Bingh. 
Antiqu. ii. 11. §. 4. 

m This Felix has been in after times 
accounted a true Pope and Martyr, 
and has been supposed to have con- 
demned Constantius. The circum- 
stances will be found in Tillemont, 
Mem. t. 6. p. 778. Bolland. Catal. 
Pontif. Gibbon, ch. 21. p. 390. 

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Banishment of the Italian Bishops. 

A ri an the recantation of Ursacius and Valens they confuted those 
HlST * who spoke against the Bishop, and advised that Valens and 
his associate should no longer be believed since they had 
already retracted what they now asserted, he immediately 
stood up and said, " I am now the accuser of Athanasius ; 
on my account you must believe what these assert." And 
then, when they said, — " But how can you be an accuser, 
when the accused person is not present ? and if you are his 
accuser, yet he is not present, and therefore cannot be tried. 
And the cause is not one that concerns Rome, so that you 
should be believed as being the Emperor ; but it is a matter 
that concerns a Bishop; and the trial ought to be conducted 
on equal terms both to the accuser and the accused. And 
besides, how can you accuse him? for you could not be 
present to witness the conduct of one who lived at so great 
a distance from you ; and if you speak but what you have 
heard from these, you ought also to give credit to what he 
says ; but if you will not believe him, while you do believe 
them, it is plain that they assert these things for your sake, 
1 p. 267, and accuse Athanasius only to gratify you 1 ?" — when he 
r * 4 ' heard this, thinking that what they had so truly spoken was 
an insult to himself, he sent them into banishment; and 
being exasperated against Athanasius, he wrote in a more 
savage strain, requiring that he should suffer what has now 
befallen him, and that the Churches should be given up to 
the Arians, and that they should be allowed to do whatever 
they pleased. 

§. 77. 17. Terrible indeed, and worse than terrible are such 
proceedings; and yet is this conduct suitable to him who 
represents the character of Antichrist. Who that beheld 
him bearing sway over his pretended Bishops, and presiding 
in Ecclesiastical causes, would not justly exclaim that this 

Dan. 9, was the abomination of desolation spoken of by Daniel ? 
For having put on the profession of Christianity, and 
entering into the holy places, and standing therein, he lays 
waste the Churches, transgressing their Canons, and en- 
forcing the observance of his own decrees. Will any one 
now venture to say that this is a peaceful time with 
Christians, and not a time of persecution? A persecution 
indeed, such as never arose before, and such as no one 

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Easy for the Meletians to coalesce with the Arians. 289 

perhaps will again stir up, except the son of lawlessness, doTR.vm. 
these enemies of Christ exhibit, who already present a ^ThesJ 
picture of him in their own persons. Wherefore it especially 2, 8. 
behoves us to be sober, lest this heresy which has reached 
such a height of impudence, and has diffused itself abroad like 
the poison of an adder, as it is written in the Proverbs, and Ps « 68 > 
which teaches doctrines contrary to the Saviour ; lest, I say, 
this be that falling away, after which He shall be revealed, j* Thess. 
of whom Constantius is surely the forerunner 1 . Else where- 1 V^*- 
fore is he so mad against the godly? wherefore does he£*>™ d# 
contend for it as his own heresy, and call every one his p. 79, 
enemy who will not comply with the madness of Arius, and noteq * 
admit gladly the allegations of the enemies of Christ, and 
dishonour so many venerable Councils? why did he com- 
mand that the Churches should be given up to the Arians ? 
was it not that, when that other comes, he may thus find 
a way to enter into them, and may take to himself him who 
has prepared those places for him ? 

18. For the ancient Bishops who were ordained by 
Alexander, and by his predecessor Achilles, and by Peter 
before him, have been cast out ; and those introduced whom 
the companions of soldiers nominated ; and they nominated 
only such as promised to adopt their doctrines. This was§. 78. 
an easy proposition for the Meletians to comply with ; for 
the greater part, or rather the whole of them, have never had 
a religious education, nor are they acquainted with the 
sound faith* in Christ, nor do they know at all what 2 p. 149, 
Christianity is, or what writings we Christians possess. For r " 3 " 
having come out, some of them from the worship of idols, 
and others from the senate, or from the first civil offices, for 
the sake of the miserable exemption 3 from duty and for the 3 pp. 84, 
patronage they gained, and having bribed 4 the Meletians who! p' p . 89, 
preceded them, they have been advanced to this dignity 161 > 291 - 
even before they were Catechumens. And even if they 
pretended to have been such, yet what kind of instruction 5 is 4 cate- 
to be obtained among the Meletians? But indeed without chlslng * 
even pretending to have been instructed, they came at once, 
and immediately were called Bishops, just as children re- 
ceive a name. Being then persons of this description, they 
thought the thing of no great consequence, nor even sup- 

290 Meletians introduced Arianism into Egypt, 

Am an posed that piety 1 was different from impiety. Accordingly 
Hist. ^ om k e j ng Meletians they readily and speedily became 

"""^Arians; and if the Emperor should command them to adopt 
any other profession, they are ready to change again to that 
also. Their ignorance of true godliness 1 quickly brings them 
to submit to the prevailing folly, and that which happens to be 
first taught them. For it is nothing to them to be carried about 
by every wind and tempest, so long as they are only exempt 
from duty, and obtain the patronage of men ; nor would 

2 pp. 88, they care probably to change again 2 to what they were 
32 before, even to become such as they were when they were 


19. Any how, being men of such an easy temper, and 

3 <r#xj- considering the Church as a civil senate 3 , and like heathen, 
T £*itni being infected with the worship of idols, they have put on 

the honourable name of our Saviour, under which they have 
polluted the whole of Egypt, were it only that they have 
caused the name of the Arian heresy to be known therein. 
For Egypt has heretofore been the only country, throughout 
which the profession of the orthodox faith was boldly 

4 p. 81. maintained 4 ; and therefore these misbelievers have striven 

to introduce jealousy there also, or rather not they, but 
the Devil who has stirred them up, in order that when 
his herald Antichrist shall come, he may find that the 
Churches in Egypt also are his own, and that the 

5 Meletians have already been instructed in his principles, 
^f*" and may recognise himself as already formed 5 in them. 

§.79. Such is the effect of that iniquitous* order which was 
issued by Constantius. On the part of the people there was 
displayed a ready alacrity to submit to martyrdom, and an 
increased hatred of this most impious heresy ; and yet 
lamentations for their Churches, and groans burst from all, 

Joel 2, while they cried unto the Lord, " Spare Thy people, O Lord, 

l7 ' and give not Tfdne heritage unto Thine enemies to reproach; 

i £»4«»»,but make haste to deliver us out of the hand of the lawless 7 . 

2Thess.-p or ^hol^ they have not spared Thy servants, but are 
preparing the way for Antichrist." 

20. For the Meletians will never resist him, nor will they 
care for the truth, nor will they esteem it an evil thing to 
deny Christ. They are men who have not approached the 

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when the Catholics chose rather to be banished. 291 

Lord with sincerity ; like the chameleon 1 they assume every tr. viii. 
various appearance; they are hirelings 2 of any who will make 80 " 

use of them. They make not the truth their aim, but prefer P . V 2. 
before it their present pleasures; they say only, Let us eat*°^<£% 9 
and drink, for to-morrow we die. Such a profession andr. 4. 
faithless temper is more worthy of the Epicritian 3 players jg 0 ^ 
than of the Meletians. But the faithful servants of our 3 h»strio- 
Saviour, and the true Bishops who believe with sincerity, 8C ~ 
and live not for themselves, but for the Lord ; they faithfully Montf « 
believing in our Lord Jesus Christ, and knowing, as I said 
before, that the charges which were alleged against the truth 
were false, and plainly fabricated for the sake of the Arian 
heresy, (for by the recantation 4 of Ursacius and Valens they 4 p. 86, 
detected the calumnies which were devised against Athana- 
sius, for the purpose of removing him out of the way, and of 
introducing into the Churches the impieties of the enemies 
of Christ ;) they, I say, perceiving all this, as defenders and 
preachers of the truth, chose rather, and endured to be 
insulted and driven into banishment, than to subscribe 
against him, aud to hold communion with the Arian fanatics. 
They forgot not the lessons they had taught to others ; yea, 
they know well that great dishonour remains for the traitors, 
but for them which confess the truth, the kingdom of 
heaven 5 ; and that to the careless and such as fear Con- 5 supr. 
stantius will happen no good thing; but for them that endure^' i. ' 
tribulations here, as sailors reach a quiet haven after a storm, 
as wrestlers receive a crown after the combat, so these shall 
obtain great and eternal joy and delight in heaven ; — such as 
Joseph obtained after his tribulations ; such as the great 
Daniel had after his temptations and the manifold con- 
spiracies of the courtiers against him ; such as Paul now 
enjoys having received a. crown from his Saviour; such as 
the people of God every where expect. They, seeing these 
things, were not intinn of purpose, but strong in faith, and 
increased in their zeal more and more. Being fully per- 
suaded of the calumnies and impieties of the heretics, they 
condemn the persecutor, and in heart and mind run together 
the same course with them that are persecuted, that they 
also may obtain the crown of Confession. 

21. One might say much more against this accursed and §. 80. 

u 2 

'292 Duty of separating from the heretics. 

Arian anticbristian heresy, and might demonstrate by many argu- 
Hl8T * ments that the practices of Constantius are a prelude to the 
coming of Antichrist. But seeing that, as the Prophet has 
said, from the feet even to the head there is no soundness in 
it, but it is full of all filthiness and all impiety, so that the 
1 p. 138. very name 1 of it ought to be avoided as a dog's vomit or 
the poison of serpents ; and seeing that Costyllius openly 
2 «V#- exhibits the image of the adversary 2 ; in order that our 
2*xhegg. worQ4 s may not be too many, it will be well to content 0 our- 
2 > 4 * selves with the divine Scripture, and that we all obey the 
3 supr. precept 3 which it has given us both in regard to other 
p " 148 ' heresies, and especially respecting this. That precept is as 
Is. 52, follows ; Depart ye, depart ye, go ye out from thence, touch 
11# no unclean thing ; go ye out of the midst of them, and 
be ye clean, that bear the vessels of the Lord. This may 
suffice" to instruct us all, so that if any one has been deceived 
by them, he may go out from them, as out of Sodom, and 
not return again unto them, lest he suffer the fate of Lot's 
wife ; and if any one has continued from the beginning pure 
from this impious heresy, he may glory in Christ and say, 
Ps. 44, " We have not stretched out our hands to a strange god ; 
20 * neither have we worshipped the works of our own hands, nor 
*supr. served the creature 4 more than Thee, the God that hast 
r'l. 41 ' created all things through Thy Word, the Only-begotten 
Son our Lord Jesus Christ, through whom to Thee the 
Father together with the same Word in the Holy Spirit be 
glory and power for ever and ever. Amen." 

n *akbv kt*ie$n*K$, rwro tL^xiii and 5 init. fro pit §Z* retire j*«m», Orat. i. 

so $extt ph yk^y Apol.contr. Ar. 2 init. 17. /*«»« fih Ep. ad Serap. iii. 2 

(a\* «v9 recura. de Deer. 15 init. init. «£«iT rttvra i ad Serap. iv. 7 init. 

**} #l«tf (in reiura, de Sent. D. 4 init. &exttort } ad Epict. Vid. also Orat. i. 7. 

d^*%7 ya,£ ubrns, Apol. de Fug. 1 fin. B. Orat. ii init. Orat. iii. 47. Ep. iEg. 

txavet fih eZv ruura, ibid. 24 init. lx.oi*bt 9 init. ad Serap. iv. 1 init ad Max. 5_ 

ph ov9 xeu rwro, ad Serap. de M. A. &c. 


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The Second Protest*. 

1. The people of the Catholic Church in Alexandria, which §. 81. 
is under the government of the most Reverend Bishop Atha- 
nasius, make this public protest by those whose names are 

We have already protested against the nocturnal assault 
which was committed upon ourselves and the Lord's house 1 ; Ui^**** 
although in truth there needed no protest in respect to pro- 
ceedings with which the whole city has been already made 
acquainted. For the bodies of the slain which were disco- 
vered were exposed in public, and the bows and arrows and 
other arms found in the Lord's house loudly proclaim the 

2. But whereas after our Protest already made, the most 
illustrious Duke Syrianus endeavours to force all men to 
agree with him, as though no tumult had been made, nor 
any had perished, (wherein is no small proof that these things 
were not done according to the wishes of the most gracious 
Emperor Augustus Constantius ; for he would not have been 
so much afraid of the consequences of this transaction, had 
he acted therein by command ;) and whereas also, when we 
w T ent to him, and requested him not to do violence to any, 
nor to deny what had taken place, he ordered us, being 
Christians, to be beaten with clubs; thereby again giving 
proof of the nocturnal assault which has been directed 
against the Church : — 

We therefore make also this present Protest, certain of us 
being now about to travel to the most religious Emperor 

* Of the two Protests referred to ning of the Protest which follows, it in not 

supr. p. 263, the first was omitted by the found there, nor does it appear what 

copyists, as being already contained, as document of A.D. 356. could properly 

Montfaucon seems to say, in the Apology have a place in a set of papers which 

against the Arians ; yet if it be the one end with A.D. 350. 
to which allusion is made in the begin- 

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Protest of the Alexandrians. 

Arian Augustus: and we adjure Maximus the Prefect of Egypt, 
1 T * - and the Controllers 1 , in the name of Almighty God, and for 

osi, Un the sake of the salvation of the most religious Augustus 
note 0 ^ Constantius, to relate all these things to the piety of 
Augustus, and to the authority of the most illustrious Pre- 
y-e^thefects 2 . We adjure also all the masters of vessels, to publish 
T i aD . these things every where, and to carry them to the ears of 
the most religious Augustus, and to the Prefects and the 
Magistrates in every place, in order that it may be known 
that a war has been waged against the Church, and that, in 
3 the times 3 of Augustus Constantius, Syrianus has caused 
179^2. Virgins and many others to become martyrs. 

3. As it dawned upon the fifth before the Ides of 
4 Febr.9. February 4 , that is to say, the fourteenth of the month Mechir, 
5 supr. while we were keeping vigil 5 in the Lord's house, and engaged 
init.206.* n our P ra y ers (f° r there was to be a communion on the Pre- 
6 Friday, paration 6 ) ; suddenly about midnight, the most illustrious Duke 
notei 7 9 Syrianus attacked us and the Church with many legions of 
7 i. e. soldiers 7 armed with naked swords and javelins and other 
than* warlike instruments, and wearing helmets on their heads ; 

6 °206 an ^ even w ^ e we were P ra y* n &> an ^ wn ti e the lessons were 
P " being read, they broke down the doors. And when the doors 
were burst open by the violence of the multitude, he gave 
command, and some of them shot their arrows; others 
shouted ; their arms rattled, and their swords flashed in the 
light of the lamps; and forthwith the Virgins were slain, 
many men were trampled down, and fell over one another as 
the soldiers came upon them, and several were pierced with 
arrows and perished. Some of the soldiers also betook them- 
selves to plundering, and stripped the Virgins naked, who were 
more afraid of being even touched by them than they were of 

4. The Bishop continued sitting upon his throne, and 
exhorted all to pray. The Duke led on the attack, having 
with him Hilarius the notary, whose part in the proceedings 
was shewn in the sequel. The Bishop was seized, and hardly 
escaped being torn to pieces ; and having fallen into a state 
of insensibility, and appearing as one dead, he disappeared 
from among them, and has gone we know not whither. They 
were eager to kill him. And when they saw that many had 


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Protest of the Alexandrians. 


perished, they gave orders to the soldiers to remove out of 
sight the bodies of the dead. But the most holy Virgins who 
were left there were buried in the tombs, having attained the 
glory of martyrdom in the times 1 of the most religious Con- 1 p. 294, 
stantius. Deacons also were beaten with stripes even in the r ' 
Lord's house, and were shut up there. 

5. Nor did matters stop even here : for after all this had 
happened, whosoever pleased broke open any door that he 
could, and searched, and plundered what was within. They 
entered even into those places, which not even all Christians 
are allowed to enter. Gorgonius the commander of the 
city force b knows this, for he was present. And no unim- 
portant evidence of the nature of this hostile assault is afforded 
by the circumstance, that the armour and javelins and swords 
borne by those who entered were left in the Lord's house. 
They have been hung up in the Church until this time, that 
they might not be able to deny it : and although they sent 
several times Dynamius the soldier 8 , as well as the Com- 2 **> «■« 
mander of the city police, desiring to take them away, wej^lnpr. 
would not allow it, until the circumstance was known to all. P* 274 -, 

6. Now if an order has been given that we should be 
persecuted, we are all ready to suffer martyrdom. But if it 
be not by order of Augustus, we desire Maximus the Prefect 
of Egypt and all the city magistrates to request of him that 
they may not again be suffered thus to assail us. And we 
desire also that this our petition may be presented to him, 
that they may not attempt to bring in hither any other 
Bishop : for we have resisted unto death s , desiring to have 3 pp. 63, 
the most Reverend Athanasius, whom God gave us at the 81, 
beginning, according to the succession of our fathers ; whom 

also the most religious Augustus Constantius himself sent to 
us with letters and oaths. And we believe that when his 
Piety is informed of what has taken place, he will be greatly 
displeased, and will do nothing contrary to his oath, but will 

b rrg *rnyw. There were two tr^mm- 
y§) or duumvirs at the head of the 
police force at Alexandria; they are 
mentioned in the plural in Euseb. vii. 11. 
where S. Dionysius speaks of their 
seizing him. We read of them at Phi- 

lippi in Luke 16, 35. vid. Vales, in foe. 
Euseb. et in Amm. Marc. xxxi. 6. 
The word is translated in the Justinian 
Code, Prater, vid. Du Cange, Gloss. 
Gr«c. in voc. 


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296 Protest of the Alexandrians. 

again give orders that our Bishop Athanasius shall remain 
with us. 

To the Consuls to be elected 0 after the Consulship of the 

1 L 0111 * most illustrious Arbaethion and Collianus 1 ; on the seventeenth 

8 Febr. Mechir, which is the day before the Ides of February 2 . 


e Since the Consuls came into office striatum Arbitionis et Loliani." And 

on the first of January, and were pro- in Socr. Hist. ii. 29. in the instance of 

claimed in each city, vid. p. 153, note the year 361, when there were no 

m, it is strange that the Alexandrians Consuls, and in 346, when there was 

here speak in February as if ignorant a difference on the subject between the 

of their names. The phrase, however, Emperors who were eventually them- 

is found elsewhere. Thus in this very selves Consuls, the first months are 

year the Anonymus Maffeianus, (who dated in like manner from the Consuls 

is spoken of in the Preface of this of the foregoing year. 
Volume,) dates Jan. 5. as " post Con- 

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S. Alexander's Deposition of Arius and his companions, 
and Encyclical Letter on the subject. 

[As Montfaucon has introduced the two documents which follow into his 
Edition, it has been thought that, though not Athanasius's, they might 
occupy a place in a volume, like the present, which already contains so 
large a collection of the ecclesiastical tracts and papers of the day to which 
it belongs. Should the internal character of the Encyclical Letter lead to 
the suspicion that it is probably Athan.'s own composition, in his situation 
of Deacon to St. Alexander, or at least as being in nis intimate confidence, 
there will be a further reason for introducing it here. The grounds of this 
conjecture are such as the following. 1 . It is written in a style altogether 
unlike S. Alexander's, which, (as we see in his Epistle to S. Alexander 
of Constantinople contained in Theod. Hist. i. 3.) is elaborate and in- 
volved and abounding in compound words, with nothing of the simplicity 
and vigor of St. Athan. 's; with which, 2. the style of this document is 
identical, using the very same words and terms of expression for which 
Athan. is so remarkable. 3. The theological terms, nay the theological 
view, of St. Alex., is proper to himself, and could not suitably be ascribed 
to S. Athan., who, to say no more, has far fewer technical phrases than 
his predecessor; and here the Encyclical Epistle answers to S. Athan.'s 
writings, not to St. Alex.'s. 4. Certain texts quoted in the course of it, 
are used as Athan. quotes and uses them in his acknowledged works. 
Some of these points of resemblance and dissimilarity shall be mentioned 
in the notes. The date of St. Alexander's document is 321.] 

Alexander, being assembled* with his beloved brethren, the Presbyters 1 
and Deacons of Alexandria, and the Mareotis, greets them in the **t tvn9 

Although you have already subscribed to the letter I addressed to 
the followers of Arius, exhorting them to renounce his impiety, and 
to submit themselves to the sound Catholic Faith, and have shewn 
your right-mindedness 8 and agreement in the doctrines of the Catholic 2 
Church ; yet forasmuch as I have written also to our fellow-ministers 
in every place concerning the Arians, and especially since some of 
you, as the Presbyters Chares and Pistus», and the Deacons Serapion, 3 pp. 37, 




Parammon, Zozimus, and Irenceus, have joined the Arian party, and 
been content to suffer deposition with them, I thought it needful to 
assemble together you, the Clergy of the city, and to send for you 
the Clergy of the Mareotis, in order that you may understand what I 
have now written, and may testify your agreement thereto, and give 
your concurrence in the deposition of the followers of Arius and 
Pistus. For it is desirable that you should be made acquainted with 
the sentiments I have expressed, and that each of you should heartily 
embrace them, as though he had written them himself. 



A Copy. 

To bis dearly beloved and most honoured fellow-ministers 1 of the 1 evxxu. 

Catholic Church in every place, Alexander sends health in the^ y# "' 

Lord. leagues. 

1. As there is one body' of the Catholic Church, and a command is §. 1. 
given us in the sacred Scriptures to preserve the bond of unity and Eph. 4, 
peace, it is agreeable thereto, that we should write and signify to one 3> 
another whatever is done by each of us individually ; so that whether 
one member suffer or rejoice, we may either suffer or rejoice with one 
another. Now there are gone forth in this diocese, at this time, 
certain lawless 1 * men, enemies of Christ, teaching an apostasy, which 
one may justly suspect and designate as the forerunner 0 of Antichrist. 
I was desirous d to pass such a matter by without notice, in the hope 
that perhaps the evil would spend itself among its supporters, and not 
extend to other places to defile 6 the ears f of the simple*. But seeing 
that Eusebius now of Nicomedia, who thinks that the government of 
the Church rests with him, because retribution has not come upon 
him for his desertion of Berytus, when he had cast an eye h of desire 
on the Church of the Nicomediaus, begins to support these apostates, 
and has taken upon him to write letters every where in their behalf, 
if by any means he may draw in certain ignorant persons to this most 
base and antichristian heresy ; I am therefore constrained, knowing 
what is written in the law, no longer to hold my peace, but to make 
it known to you all; that you may understand who the apostates are, 
and the unhappy terms 1 which their heresy has adopted, and that, 
should Eusebius write to you, you may pay no attention to him, for 
he now desires by means of these men to exhibit anew his old 

* St. Alexander in Theod. begins his 3 fin. ad Max. §. 1. contr. Apollin. i. 1 

Epistle to his namesake of Constants init 

nople with some moral reflections, con- • }»*»ffy and infr. ft***, vid. Hist, 

cerning ambition and avarice. Athan. Ar. §. 3. C. §. 80. B. de Deer. $. 2. C. 

indeed uses a similar introduction to his Ep. JEg. 11 fin. Orat. i. 10. C. 
Ep. Mg. but it is not addressed to an f axtat, and infr. fivu. vid. Ep. 

individual. ;Eg. §. 13. A. Orat. i. §. 7. A. Hist. 

»> *a{*nfi$t. vid. Hist Ar. §. 71 init. Ar. §. 56. B. 
§. 75 fin. 79. A. 8 dxt^t. Apol. contr. Ar. §. 1. A. 

c *e&pfju* *A*rixtfrr«u. vid. Orat. i. Ep. Mg. §. 18. E. ad Epict §. 1. fin. 

7. B. Vit. Ant. 6y. A. vol. 8. p. 79, ad Adelph. §. 2. fin. Orat. i. 8. E. 
note q. h l*$Qfa\ftlf*s also used of Eusebius. 

<* xa) \p>ouXip*f ft\t *tot*n Wutii Apol. contr. Ar.§.6. D. Hist. Ar. §. 7. 

II. . . ,&*£yzti* vid. Apol. contr. A. 

Ar. §. 1 init. de Deer. §. 2. F. Orat. i. i fnpfa*. vid. de Deer. §. 8. A. 18. 

23 init Orat ii init Orat iii. 1. A. ad E. Orat. i. 10. D. de Sent D. §. 23. 

Serap. i. 1. C. 16. C. ii. 1 init iii init init. S. Dionysius also uses it ibid, 

iv. 8 init. Ep. ad Mon. §. 2. E. ad Epict. §. 18. A. 


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malevolence k , which has so long been concealed, pretending to write 
in their favour, while in truth it clearly appears, that he does it to 
forward his own interests. 

2. 2. Now the apostates are these, Arius, Achilles, Anthales, Carpones, 
another Arius, and Sarmates, sometime Presbyters; Euzoius, Lucius, 
Julius, Menas, Helladius, and Gaius, sometime Deacons; and with 
them Secundus and Theonas, sometime called Bishops. And the 
novelties they have invented and put forth contrary to the Scriptures 
are these following : — God was uot always a Father 1 , but there was a 
time when God was not a Father. The Word of God was not always, 
but was made of things that were not : for God that is, made Him 
that was not, of things that were not ; wherefore there was a time 
when He was not ; for the Son is a creature and a work. Neither is 
He like in substance to the Father ; neither is He the true and natural 

- Word of the Father; neither is He His true Wisdom ; but He is 
one of the things made and created, and is called the Word and 
Wisdom by an abuse of terms, since He Himself was made by the 
proper Word of God, and by the Wisdom that is in God, by which 
God made not only all other things but Him also. Wherefore He 
is by nature subject to change and variation, as are all rational 
creatures. And the Word is foreign from the substance m of the Father, 
and is alien and separate therefrom. And the Father cannot be de- 
scribed by the Son, for the Word does not know the Father perfectly 
and accurately, neither can He see Him perfectly. Moreover, the 
Son knows not His own substance as it really is ; for He was created 
for us, that God might create us by Him, as by an instrument ; and 
He would not have existed, had not God wished to create us. Ac- 
cordingly, when some one asked them, whether the Word of God 
can possibly change as the devil changed, they were not afraid to say 
that He can ; for being something made and created, His nature is 
subject to change. 

3. 3. Now when the Arians made these assertions, and shamelessly 
avowed them, we being assembled with the Bishops of Egypt and 
Libya, nearly a hundred in number, anathematized both them and 

k s«x«»m«». vid. Hist Ar. $. 75. £. 
de Deer. §. 1. D. et al. 

1 $vk at) *arȣ. This enumeration 
of Arius's tenets, and particularly the 
mention of the first, corresponds to de 
Deer. $. 6. Ep. Mg. §. 12. as being 
taken from the Thalia. Orat. i. §. 5. 
and far less with Alex. ap. Theod. p. 
731, 2. vid. also Sent. D. §. 16. »««-«- 
XtnfTixZt , which is found here, occurs 
de Deer. §. 6. B. 

m $urUv oval* r*u Xoyou or r$u ulcv is 
a familiar expression with Athan. e. g. 
Orat. i. 45. ii. 7. B. 9. B. 11 .B. 1 2. A . 13. 
B. C. 18 init. 22. E. 47 init. 56 init. &c. 
for which Alex, in Theod. uses the 
word Ivceractt . e. g. rsr» iMvpieov avvtv 
v*iwretctr rn% v<*trra.r\u f avvou a 
yavrou' hmti^ocv rns vvorrizftvt yinvtr 
h r§u ftottytfoug an»2tnynr§s uTorrarir 

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Appendix. 301 

their followers. But the Eusebians admitted them to communion, 
bejng desirous to mingle falsehood with the truth, and impiety with 
piety. But they will not be able to do so, for the truth must prevail ; 
neither is there any communion of light with darkness, nor any 2 Cor. 
concord of Christ with Belial 11 . For who ever heard such assertious 6 ' l4, 
before ° ? or who that hears them now is not astonished and does not 
stop his ears lest their filthy language should touch them ? Who that 
has heard the words of John, In the beginning was the Word, will J° nn 1> 
not denounce the saying of these men, that " there was a time when 
He was not ?" Or who that has heard in the Gospel, the Only-begotten lb. 14. 
Son, and by Him were all things made, will not detest their declara- l8, 
tion that He is " one of the things that were made." For how can 
He be one of those things which were made by Himself? or how can 
He be the Only-begotten, when, according to them, He is counted as 
one among the rest, since He is Himself a creature and a work ? 
And how can He be " made of things that were not," when the Father 
saith, My heart hath brought forth a good Word, and, Out of the Ps. 45, 
womb I have begotten Thee before the morning star ? Or again, how 110 
is He " unlike in substance to the Father," seeing He is the perfect 3. 
image and brightness of the Father, and that He saith, He that hath "Hub. 1, 
seen Me hath seen the Father*? And if the Son is the Word and j ohnl4 
Wisdom of God, how was there u a time when He was not ?" It is the 9. 
same as if they should say that God was once without Word and 
without Wisdom And how is He " subject to change and variation," 
who says, by Himself, J am in the Father, and the Father in Me v ,v. 10, 
and, I and the Father are one*; and by the Prophet, Behold Me", for *Jj' 10 > 
J am, and I change not*? For although one may refer this expression Mai. 3, 
to the Father, yet it may now be more aptly spoken of the Word, 6# 
viz. that though He has been made man, He has not changed ; but 
as the Apostle has said, Jesus Christ is the same yesterday, to-day, Heb.13, 
and for ever. And who can have persuaded them to say, that He 8, 
was made for us, whereas Paul writes, for whom are all things, and lD ' 2 »l°- 
by whom are all things? As to their blasphemous position that "the §• 4. 

n xnoni* $*ri. This is quoted Alex, 
ap. Theod. Hist i. 3. p. 738 ; by S. 
Athan. in the Letter published by Maf- 
fei, ed. Patav. t. 3. p. 87. It seems to 
have been a received text in the contro- 
versy, as the Sardican Council uses it 
supr. p. 76. and S. A than, seems to put 
it into the mouth of St. Anthony, Yit. 
Ant. 69. A . 

° vis y*i Ep. i£g* §• 7 init. 

ad Epict. §. 2 init. Orat. i. 8. B. C. 
Apol. contr. Ar. 85 init. Hist. Ar. §. 46 
init. §. 73 init. §. 74 init. ad Scrap, iv. 

2 init. 

P On the concurrence of these three 
texts in Athan. (though other writers 
use them too, and Alex. ap. Theod. has 
two of them,) vid. vol. 8. p. 229, note g. 

4 iX$y»9 Mm) afQo* riv ttof. de Deer. 
$. 15. Orat. i. $. 19. vid. vol. 8. p. 25, 
note c. p. 208, note b. 

r This text is thus applied by Athan. 
Orat. i. 36. D. ii. 10. A. In the tirst of 
these passages he uses the same apo- 
logy, nearly in the same words, which 
is contained in the text. 

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302 Appendix. 

Son knows not the Father perfectly," we ought not to wonder at it ; 
for having once set themselves to fight against Christ, they contradict 

JohnlO, even His express words, since He says, As the Father knoweth Me, 
even so know I the Father. Now if the Father knows the Son hut in 
part, then it is evident that the Son does not know the Father perfectly ; 
hut if it is not lawful to say this, hut the Father does know the Son 
perfectly, then it is evident that as the Father knows His own Word, 
so also the Word knows His own Father whose Word He is. 
§.5. 4. By these arguments and appeals to the sacred Scriptures we 
frequently overthrew them ; hut they changed like chameleons 1 , and 
again shifted their ground, striving to bring upon themselves lhat 

18 °3 sen tence, when the impious falleth into the depth of evils, he is filled 
with contempt. There have been many heresies before them, which, 
venturing further than they ought, have fallen into folly; but these 
men by endeavouring in all their positions to overthrow the Divinity 
of the Word, have justified the other in comparison of themselves, as 
approaching nearer to Antichrist. Wherefore they have been excom- 
municated and anathematized by the Church. We grieve for their 
destruction, and especially because, having once been instructed in the 
doctrines of the Church, they have now fallen away. Yet we are not 

2 Tim. greatly surprised ; for Hymeneus and Philetus did the same, and 

2 ' before them Judas, who followed our Saviour, but afterwards became 
a traitor and an apostate. And concerning these same persons, we 
have not been left without instruction ; for our Lord has forewarned 

Luke us; Take heed lest any man deceive you: for many shall come in 
9 ' My name, saying, I am Christ, and the time draweth near, and 
they shall deceive many; go ye not after them. And Paul, who was 

1 Tim. taught these things by our Saviour, wrote, that in the latter times some 
9 ' shall depart from the sound faith, giving heed to seducing spirits 
and doctrines of devils, which reject the truth *. 

§.6. 5. Since then our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ hath instructed 
us by His own mouth, and also hath signified to us concerning such 
men by the Apostle, we accordingly being personal witnesses of their 
impiety, have anathematized, as we said, all such, and declared them 
to be alien fiom the Catholic Faith and Church. And we have made 
this known to your piety, dearly beloved and most honoured fellow- 
ministers, in order that should any of them have the boldness 11 to come 

• x«iMMXi0»rs;. vid. de Deer. §. 1. D. 3. E. Hist. Arian. §. 78 init. &c. It is 

Hist Ar. §. 79. quoted without the word by Origen 

1 Into this text which Athan. also contr. Cels. v. 64. but with vyitvs in 

applies to the Arians, (vid. vol. 8. p. Matth. t. xiv. 16. Epiphan. has vyimt- 

191, note e.) Athan. also introduces, like vwnt 3/W*«X/a<, Hser. 78. 2. uytwt 

Alexander here, the word uyHunvrnsy e.g. Ztl. ibid. 23. p. 1065. 

Ep. uEg. §. 20. Orat i. 8 fin. de Deer. « *p«t<n»wttnr: vid. de Deer. §. 2. B. 

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unto you, you may not receive them, nor comply with the desires of 
Eusebius, or any other person writing in their behalf. For it becomes 
us who are Christians to turn away from all who speak or think any 
thing against Christ, as being enemies of God, and destroyers* of 
souls ; and not even to bid such God speed, lest we become partakers 2 John 
of their sins, as the blessed John hath charged us. Salute the 10 * 
brethren that are with you. They that are with me salute you. 

Presbyters of Alexandria. 

6. I, Colluthus, Presbyter, agree with what is here written, and §. 7. 
give my assent to the deposition of Arius and his associates in 

Alexander 1 , Presbyter, likewise 
Dioscorus 1 , Presbyter, likewise 
Dionysius 1 , Presbyter, likewise 
Eusebius, Presbyter, likewise 
Alexander, Presbyter, likewise 
Nilanus*, Presbyter, likewise 
Arpocration, Presbyter, likewise 
Agathus, Presbyter 

Nemesius, Presbyter 
Longus 1 , Presbyter 
Silvanus, Presbyter 
Perous, Presbyter 
Apis, Presbyter 
Proterius, Presbyter 
Paulus, Presbyter 
Cyrus, Presbyter, likewise 

* vid. 
p. 105. 

a Nila- 
p. 105. 


Ammonius 3 , Deacon, likewise 
Macarius, Deacon 
Pistuss, Deacon, likewise 
Athanasius 3 , Deacon 
Eumenes, Deacon 
Apollonius*, Deacon 
Olympius, Deacon 
Aphthonius 3 , Deacon 
Athanasius, Deacon 
Macarius, Deacon, likewise 
Paulus, Deacon 
Petrus, Deacon 

Ambytianus, Deacon 
Gaius 3 , Deacon, likewise 
Alexander, Deacon 
Dionysius, Deacon 
Agathon, Deacon 
Polybius, Deacon, likewise 
Theonas, Deacon 
Marcus, Deacon 
Comodus, Deacon 
Serapion 3 , Deacon 
Nilus, Deacon 
Romanus, Deacon, likewise 

p. 105. 

* (pfo^at vSf y]s»x£*' bat S. Alex, in 
Tbeod. uses the compound word <p(t^o 
« tit, p. 731. Other compound or re- 
condite words (to eay nothing of the 
construction of sentences) found in S. 
Alexander's Letter in Theod., and un- 
like the style of theCircular under review, 
are such as h QtX*ws ««1 QtXityugt 

stiirp*or o/mwitytt *uXXetf}*7t' itnyipvt 

nm anetovQytmt' fivfm. In- 

stances of theological language in S. 
Alex, to which the Letter in the text 
contains no resemblance are ^x»g/rr« 
vr^ayfAarec Wo" i vVof rk* mark x«»t« 

it lri*T£0V ax*\il*T0U mm) lfnpv%»v iua$ 
UXOfOf ftlWlTtfatH* $%>€it (M*&y%vH$ % vk§ 

Digitized by 




Presbyters of the Mareotis. 

I, Apollonius, Presbyter, agree with what is here written, and 
give my assent to the deposition of Arius and his associates in 

" p. ior. 

» Hera- 
clius ? 
p. 107. 

Ingeniusi, Presbyter, likewise 
Ammonius, Presbyter 
Dioscorus 1 , Presbyter 
Sostras, Presbyter 
Theoni, Presbyter 
Tyrannus, Presbyter 
Copres, Presbyter 
Ammonas 1 , Presbyter 
Orion, Presbyter 

Serenus, Presbyter 
Didymus, Presbyter 
Heracles*, Presbyter 
Boccon 1 , Presbyter 
Agathus, Presbyter 
Achillas, Presbyter 
Paulus, Presbyter 
Thalelaeus, Presbyter 
Dionysius, Presbyter, likewise 


3 p. 107. Serapion 3 , Deacon, likewise Didymus, Deacon 

Justus, Deacon, likewise Ptollarion 3 , Deacon 

Didymus, Deacon Seras, Deacon 

Demetrius 3 , Deacon Gaius 3 , Deacon 

4 p. 107. Maurus 4 , Deacon Hierax 3 , Deacon 

Alexander, Deacon Marcus, Deacon 

Marcus 3 , Deacon Theonas, Deacon 

Comon, Deacon Sarmaton, Deacon 

Tryphon 3 , Deacon Carpbn, Deacon 

Ammonius*, Deacon Zoilus, Deacon, likewise 

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Abuterius, 161. 
Achillas, 29, 88, 152. 
JEzanes, 182. 

Alexander, Bishop of Thessalonica, 
some account of, 33, n. n. no friend 
to the Arians, 33. 

Alexander, S. Bishop of Alexandria, 
21. excommunicated Arius, 139. 
used Church of Theonas before it 
was dedicated, 167. prays against 
Arius being admitted to Communion, 
212. Deposition of Arius and his 
companions, &c. 297. reasons for its 
being placed here, and grounds for 
its being probably St. Athan.'s, ibid, 
writes to his brethren exhorting them 
to renounce Arian impiety, ibid, 
copy of his Letter, 299. exhorts to 
unity, ibid, and to have nothing to 
say to Eusebius of Nicomedia, ibid, 
cites the novelties of the Arians, 300. 
and refutes them, 301. shews 
them to be worse than all other 
heretics, 302. warns them against 
them as anathematized and enemies 
of Christ, ibid, and 303. 

Alexandria, vid. Arians. S. Athanasius. 
Council. Churches. Council of Sardica. 
George. Gregory. Letter. Syrianus. 

Amen, 168, and n. q. 

Amman, Gregory's secretary, 11. 

Antichrist, his marks seen in Con- 
stantius, 285. (vid. Constant i us.) 
herald of the Devil, 290. 

Antony Father, writes to Gregory from 
the mountains, 229. 

Apology of S. Athan. to Constantius, 
154. its contents, ibid. (vid. S. Athan.) 
for Flight, 188. its contents, ibid. 

Apostolical Tradition, 50. see Tradition. 

Appendix, 297. 

Arians, their heresy forerunner of Anti- 
christ, 124, 299. say the Word of 
God is a creature, 129. substitute 
a Creed for that of Nicsea, 131. 
always altering their previous state- 

ments, 132. hire George of Cap- 
padocia to be Bishop of Alexandria, 
133. their true statements only a 
cloak, 134. they are Antichrists, 
135. attempt to deceive as the Phari- 
sees, Sadducees, and Herodians did, 
ibid, they will not condemn Arius, 
136, 149. nor boldly speak truth, 137. 
their statements about the "Word of 
God, 139, 140. in some sense Mani- 
chees, 144. the very dregs of other 
heresies, 146. not to be trusted be- 
cause they act like Arius, 147. not 
Christians, 149, 208, 232, 247, 253, 
272, 276. make heathens and cate- 
chumens Bishops, 178. corrupt Apo- 
stolic rule, 179. prove their murder- 
ous intention against S. Athan. by 
persecuting the Virgins, 185. imitate 
Jewish malice, 189. insincere in 
charge against S. Athan. ibid, their 
outrages against Bishops, 190. and 
against Alexandrians, 192. their 
object is to kill S. Athan. 193. are 
like Babylonians, 194, 195, (conf. 
p. 9.) call him a coward under a pre- 
tence, 195. accuse our Lord, if him, 
of cowardice, 197. act from a love 
of contention, 205. employ soldiers 
against S. Athan. 206. their pro- 
fligate character, 207. their heresy 
hateful to God, 211, 217. our Lord 
Himself condemned it, 212, 213. 
it is accursed and alien from the 
Truth, 215. sacrifice morality and 
integrity to their party, 220. spies 
not Bishops, 221 , 263, 287. it is like a 
wild monster on earth, and hires ex- 
ternal power, 221. persecute Eusta- 
thius, 222. and Eutropius, ibid, and 
Marcellus, 223. banish Paul, ibid, 
strangle him, and then tell a lie about 
it, 224. illtreat the dead, ibid, their 
heresy Jewish, 235. receive support 
from eunuchs, 251. antichristian, 254. 
urge on the heathens to persecute 
Alexandrians, 269. act in conjunc- 
tion with heathen, 270. persecute 

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Alexandrians, against miraculous 
judgments, 271. cause death of Eu- 
tychius, 272. scourge the citizens, 
273. illtreat the poor, 274. modern 
Jews, ibid, heathen called them 
* antichristian executioners,' ibid. 
276. illtreat Presbyters and Dea- 
cons, 275. worse than Gentiles, 276. 
inventors of anew heresy ; inhuman, 
ibid, murder Secundus, 277. con- 
demned by the Ecumenical Council, 
278. worse than all other heretics 
because they use force, ibid, take 
Constantius as their friend, 279. 
worse persecutors than the heathen, 
and prepare the way for Antichrist, 
282. the Arian Bishops banished 
by S. Alexander, get possession of 
their Churches, 283. banish Bishops, 
ibid, further iniquities against Laity, 
Virgins, "Widows, Monks, 284. ap- 
point profligate heathen youths and 
catechumens and men accused of 
bigamy, 285. their persecution such 
as never was, 288. its name ought not 
to be mentioned, 292. (conf. p. 138.) 
called a strange god, ibid, how the 
faithful should treat them, ibid, an 
apostaey, 299. some Arian apostates, 
300. their novelties about the Word, 
ibid, they contradict Christ's express 
words, 302. approach nearer Anti- 
christ than all other heresies by 
denying the Divinity of the Word, 
ibid. Christ had given warning 
against them, and S. Paul, ibid, 
anathematized by S. Alexander, 

Arius, Bishop of Petra?, 233. 

Arius, his death, 147. summoned 
before Emperor Constantine, gives 
an account of his faith — takes false 
oath, 211. dies, 212, 265. could sup- 
port his heresy ouly by patronage of 
the Emperor, 278. blasphemed 
openly, ibid. 

Arsenius, said to be murdered by S. 
A than, but still alive, 26, 26. dis- 
covered in concealment, 94. writes 
in submission to S. A than. 98. 

Ascetics, meaning of, 22, n. b. 179. 

Asclepas, some account of, 69, n. e. 
clear of heresy, 74, 190. 

Assemblies in Churches, when edict 
came ftom the Prefect of Egypt, 4. 
in order to prevent the impiety of the 
Arians from mingling itself with the 
faith of the Church, 5. 

Athanasius, St. flies from the Church 
in which he principally abode, 8. 
plots of the Eusebians against him, 
9, 10. appeals to the Bishops in 
behalf of the Alexandrian Church, 

10. another judgment demanded upon 
his case although three had been 
passed on it already, 14. argument 
for his innocence from recantation of 
Ursacius and Valens, 15. and his 
enemies' confession of their calum- 
nies, 16. account of his election to 
the Episcopate, 21, 22. the people 
rejoiced at bis return from Gaul, 24. 
some account of his election, 21 , n. a. 
favourable testimony of, 43. stayed 
in Rome year and six months ; came 
by summons, 49, and n. g. appears 
against the Eusebians at Council of 
Sardica, 59. makes his defence, 
60. not confounded at Sardica, 
63. begs Council to write to 
Alexandria, 64. invited by the Em- 
peror to his court, 79. goes up to 
Rome, 80. received kindly by Em- 
peror, 82. passing through Syria is 
received by the Bishops, 85. recounts 
proceedings against himseif, 87. 
writes to the Emperor (Constantius), 
89. appears before him, 90. sends 
persons to discover Arsenius, 94. 
proves accusation of murder, 95. 
and that Arsenius was alive, 96. 
shews the same by a letter from Con- 
stantine, ib. by a letter from Arse- 
nius, 98. by letter to John, 99. 
commanded by Emperor to go to 
Tyre, 101. proves Ischyras no Pres- 
byter, 102. objects to the Commis- 
sion, 103. proves the plot by letters 
of the Bishops and Clergy of Egypt, 
104, 6, 7, 9, 11, 12. by a letter of 
Alexander Bishop of Thessalonica to 
Count Dionysius, 113. by a letter of 
Count Dionysius to Eusebians, 114. 
repeats their proceedings against him 
again, 115. goes up to the Emperor, 
119. his interview, ibid, sent into 
Gaul, 121. sent back by Constantine 
the younger, ibid, proves murderous 
spirit of Eusebians against him, 122. 
and their plots again from the suf- 
ferings of Liberius and Hosius, 
123. writes to warn his Bishops 
against certain Arians, 125. as 
being deceivers, 131. as not being 
needed by them, 135. because tbey 
will not openly condemn Arius 136, 
149. and boldly speak truth, 137. 
cites the Arian statements, 138. his 
reverent way, ibid, (and v. 1.) brings 
proofs from Scripture against them, 
141. exhorts his Bishops to make a 
stand for the Faith, 150. refutes 
charge of exasperating Constans 
against Constantius, 155 — 158. his 
travels, 158. refutes charge of writing 
to the usurper, 159—165. refutes 

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charge of using an ucdedicated 
Church, 166-170. refutes charge ofre- 
sistingEmperor'8Commands,l 71 176. 
escapes from persecution of Syrianus, 
176, 294. leaves Alexandria to go to 
Constantius, 177. hears of the general 
persecution, 178. hears of his pro- 
scription, 179. was coming up still, 
but turns back from the letter the 
Emperor sent, 179. defends his flight, 
184. expostulates with Constantius, 
186. reasons for writing Apol. for 
Flight, 188. defends it by Scripture 
examples, 196, and 199—204. by 
that of our Lord, 197. escapes ir- 
ruption of Syrianus, 206. his account 
of the death of Arius in letter to 
Serapion, 210. not at Constantinople 
when Arius died, 211. cautions him 
against making his letters public, 
213. sails to Borne to get Council 
held, 227. comes up to Constantius, 
236. and is sent home by him, ibid, 
what followed on his return from 
exile, 238, 9, 40. though left quite 
alone, yet like Elias not forsaken, 

262. withdraws from Alexandria, 

263. driven from his Church by 
Constantius, 283. given by God to 
Alexandrians by succession ; and 
sent with letters and oaths from 
Constantius, 295. 


Balacius, Duke, 228. his sad end, 229. 

Baptistery, set on fire, 6. 

Basilma, (Julian's mother,) active per- 
secutor of Eutropius, 223. 

Beggars, 273, and n. o. 

Bishops, 4. of equal authority, 45. he 
should not be a stranger, 50. but 
taken out of the Clergy of the Diocese, 
51. against ancient usage to make a 
layman a Bishop, 1 18, n. g. 

Blessing, form of, (Pope's,) 58. 


Ctesareum, 269, and n. i.(vid. Palace,) 

Candles, of the Church, 7. 
Candlesticks, 7. 

Canons and Forms, not given to the 
Churches at the present day, but 
wisely transmitted to us from our 
forefathers, 3. referred to, 41, 45, 
49, 53, 55, 66, 249. received from 
Apostles, 51. referred to, 98, and 
n. u. do not permit a Bishop to 
be appointed from the Court, nor 


soldiers to invade Churches, 265. 
cannot receive validity from Em- 
peror, 266. 
Carpones, 44. 

Castrensians, meaning of, 69, n. b. 
Catechumens, not present at the oblation, 
49, 115. made Bishops by Arians, 
177, 285. 
1 Cathedra velatceS 35. ( marg. 2.) 
Catholicus, 118, 163, n. m. 
Cell, 48. 

Chalice, 28. not really honoured by the 

Arians, 35. 
Chancel rails taken as spoils out of the 

Church, 7, 206. 
Chorepiscopi, 117, and n. e. 
Christ, true God, 141. of same sub- 
stance and eternity with the Father, 
ibid, not another Word, and another 
Wisdom, 142. not a creature, ibid, 
the One Word, 144. not one among 
many powers, ibid, knoweth the 
Father fully, 145. the true Offspring 
of the Father, ibid, (knows His own 
nature, ibid.) said to be * created' 
because He became man, ibid, an 
Example of flight from persecution, 
197. what He did in His Human 
Nature applies to all men, ibid, the 
Creator of times, 198. and yet had 
His own time, 199. 
Christians, must not allow deceivers 

to speak even good words, 128. 
Churches, places of assembly on fourth 
day of week, 4, 268. governed by 
Apostles in person, 56, n. 2. number 
of in Alexandria. 167, n. p. used before 
dedication, ibid. Church of Cyrinus, 
227. great Church at Alexandria, 
268. pillaged, 269. (vid. Heraclius.) 
called * Lord's House/ 293. 
Colluthus, pretended to the Episcopate, 

108. his schism, 109, n. d. 
Commentaries, 179, and n. x. 
Commission to Mareotis of Eusebians, 
accused left behind, accuser taken, 
103. Presbyters and Clergy of the 
city and Mareotis not admitted, 104. 
Communion, to join irtndiytffitu), 147. 

a communion 176. 
Companies, 91. 

Confessors, enter the kingdom of 
heaven, 291. 

Constans, 14. took part of S. Athan. 
155, n. b. most religious, 235. not 
a persecutor, 

Constantine, Emperor, called Victor, 
79, 96, 113, 114, r. 2. writes to S. 
Athan. to allow all to enter the 
Church, 89. condemns Ision, sum- 
mons S. Athan. 90. writes to the 
Alexandrians, ibid, institutes judi- 
cial enquiry about Arsenius, and then 



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condemns Eusebius, 94. writes to S. 
A than. 96. acquits him of false accu- 
sation!), 97. condemns Meletians, 98. 
testifies to correctness of Arian faith, 
117. orders Eusebius to come to his 
court, 119. interview with S. Athan. 
ibid, the barbarians had learnt to 
fear God through him, 120. sends 
S. Athan. into Gaul, 121. 

Constantine, younger, sends back S. 
Athan. 121. called 4 patron' by Eu- 
sebians, 231. 

Constantius, most religious, 9, 59, 
131, 164, 170, 174, 185. Councils 
meet by his command, 14, 59, 69. 
violent and tyrannical, 123. some 
account of, 154, n. a. called 4 heretic,' 
208. spoken of as using violence 
against Bishops, 213. begins to per- 
secute, 226. returns to a right mind, 
and invites S. Athan. to his court, 
236. sends him safe to his Churches, 
ibid, reverses what had been written 
against him, 237. writes in his favour, 
ibid, relapses, 243. compels Bishops 
to subscribe to Arian heresy, 245. 
banishes the Western Bishops, 246. 
offends against ecclesiastical rule, 
ibid, sends an eunuch to persuade 
Liberius to subscribe, 249. Danishes 
Liberius and others, 252. worse than 
former persecutors, 253. summons 
Hosius, 255. patron of impiety and 
emperor of heresy, 260, 267. tortures 
Hosius to lapse, ibid, forerunner of 
Antichrist, 261. sends the Duke and 
soldiers to persecute Alexandrians, 
262. instigates young men against 
S. Athan. 263. says he preserved 
him from regard to Constans, ibid, 
deposed Vetranio, 264. does not fol- 
low his father, ibid, does not respect 
canons, 265, 268, 288. persecuted 
S. Athan. after Constans died, ibid, 
gives up Alexandrian Churches to 
Arians, 267. sends Heraclius against 
S. Athan. ibid. (vid. Herac.) sends 
Bishop with letters from himself, 
268. as if Antichrist, 279. over- 
throws a Council, ibid, worse than 
Saul, ibid, than Ahab and Pilate, 
280. ill-treatment of his own rela- 
tions, ibid, some account of his con- 
nections, ibid. n. d. inconstant, 282. 
begins persecution in Egypt, ibid, 
drove S. Athan. from his* Church, 
283. called 4 Costyllius' and image 
of Antichrist, 285. the marks of 
Antichrist seen in him, ibid. 286, 
and n. g. 287. takes eunuchs in 
counsel with him, ibid, claims right 
of hearing causes, ibid, accuses S. 
Athan. himself, 288. lays waste 

Churches, ibid, forerunner of Anti- 
christ (*{ftpft0t), 289. his practices 
a prelude to the coming of Anti- 
christ, 292. 

Constitutions of Paul, 57, and n. t. 

Controller, 105, and n. a. 294. 

Costyllius, a name given to Constantine, 

Council [of Bishops] called by Constan- 
tino, 69. should be called at a dis- 
tance from the court, 249. no Em- 
peror should be present, no count, 
no magistrate, only fear of God and 
Apostolical religion, ibid, should 
make enquiry first about matters of 
faith, then matters of conduct, 250. 
maintainers of an impious creed can 
not be members, ibid, nor eunuchs, 

CeunetiofAleaxntdria,TZncyc[\c9\ Letter, 
17. reasons for remaining silent, ibid, 
answers charges of the Eusebians 
against S. Athan. 19. charge of 
murder repeated, 20. and of unca- 
nonical election, 22. protest against 
the commission (vid. Eusebians), 33. 
send document to refute charges, 34. 
refutes the charge about the corn, 
36. exposes the Eusebians as stirring 
up the Ariau fanatics, 37. and calls 
upon the Bishops to avenge the in- 
justice, ibid. 

Council of Jerusalem, writes to the 
Alexandrians, 85. 

Council of Sardica, called by the Em- 
perors, 59, 230. condemns Eusebius, 
acquits S. Athan. 60. writes to Alex- 
andria, and condemns the Arians, 
allows communion with S. Athan. 61, 
232. exposes the Eusebians, 62. ex- 
horts to patience ; writes to the Em- 
perors, 63. forbids communion with 
Gregory, 64, 233. acquits some 
Presbyters; writes to Bishops of 
Egypt and Libya, 65, 232. Ency- 
clical Letter of Council, (see Encycl. 
Letter,) 69. proceedings of the Coun- 
cil again given, 232, 233. 

Council of Tyre, documents connected 
with, 101. 

Count, a, head of Council of Tyre, 102. 

Court (rr{«r««&»), 100. explained, 
n. z. 249, 257. (see Palace.) 

Cross roads, (Canalis,) 77. and n. n. 

Curtains in a Church, 269, and n. h. 


Dahnatius, Censor, 94. and some ac- 
count of, n. s. 

Danius, some account of, 39, n. b. 206. 

Deacon, Athanasius a, 21, read the 
Psalm, 206. called a Levite, 254. 

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Decurion, (see margin,) 84. 
Dedication, celebrated by the Emperor, 

170. by S. Alexander, ibid. 
Dionysius, Count, 48, 103, 112—114. 
Discernment of spirits a gift, 130. 
Doff, 118, and n. h. 
Ducenary, 107, n. b. 
Duke, 96. origin of title, n. t. 228. 
Dynamius, commander of city police, 



Easter, 7, 166, 192. 

Ecclesiastical Canons, 3. (vid. Canon.) 
the Emperor cannot make, but may 
break them, 246. referred to as au- 
thority, 249. 

Ecclesiastical Judgments, 249, 266. (vid. 

Ecclesiasticus, contains commands of 
God, 156. spoken of as a * divine 
sentence,' 157. (vid. Holy Scripture.) 

Egypt, for long boldly maintained the 
orthodox Faith alone, 290. (conf. 
p. 81.) 

Emperor, the, in favour of S. Athan. 
27. called ' patron' by Eusebians, 
231. has no right to command- 
Bishops about Ecclesiastical matters, 
nor intrude at Ecclesiastical trials, 
258. has no concern in Ecclesiastical 
judgments, 266. 

Encyclical Epistle of S. Athan. to 
Egypt and Libya, 125. to his fellow- 
ministers, 1. its contents, ibid. 

Encyclical Letter of Counc. Sard, de- 
fends S. Athan., Marcellus, and 
Asclepas, against calumnies of Ari- 
ans, 69. refutes their charges, 72. 
clears Marcellus of heresy, 73. ac- 
quits Asclepas, 74. declares S. Athan. 
Marcellus, Asclepas, innocent, and 
forbids eommunion with some, 75. 
Subscriptions, 76. 

Envy, its effects, 90, 91. 

Epicritian Players, 291. 

Eunuch, one sent to Liberius, 249. his 
conduct upon refusal of Liberius to 
submit, 250. in great numbers about 
the Emperor, ibid, why they are 
Arians and not admitted to a Coun- 
cil, 252. 

Eusebians, always supporters and as- 
sociates of the impious heresy 
of the Arian fanatics, 4. their 
wicked calumnies against S. Atha- 
nasius, 18. their last charges 
against him, 19. history of their pro- 
ceedings and against S. Athan. 21. 
in an unlawful Council at Tyre, ibid, 
saying that he was clandestinely 

elected, 22. through Eusebius, 23. 
by accusing him of the murder of 
Arsenius, 25. who was still alive, 
26. of stopping exports of corn from 
Alexandria to Constantinople, 27. of 
breaking a chalice, 28. violate reserve 
about Sacraments, ibid, their charge 
refuted, 30. to investigate same 
charge send commission to Mareotis, 

31. their outrages at Alexandria, 

32, 33. proved inconsistent, 35. the 
real cause of their enmity, 36. refuse 
to come to the Pope's Council, 42. 
receive excommunicated Arians to 
communion, 43. act against the 
Canon, 45. excuse of day, ibid, 
and times not valid. 46. their letters 
contradictory, 47. their proceedings 
novel, and appointment of Gregory 
uncanonical, 50. injuries to other 
Catholic Bishops, 53. conduct against 
Pope's prerogatives, 56. at Council 
of Sardica, 69. retreat to Philip- 
popolis, 60. calumniators, 69. will 
not come to Council of Sardica, 70. 
persecute Theodalus, 71. fly from 
Sardica conscience-stricken, 72. ac- 
cuse Marcellus falsely, 73. their 
leaders prevent attendance at Coun- 
cil of Sardica, 74. with Meletians 
lay plot of the linen vestments, 89. 
condemned, 90. plot of chalice 
through Ischyras with Meletians, 
92. persuade Emperor to call Coun- 
cil of Tyre, 101. send commission to 
Mareotis, 103. acted as unjustly as 
the Jews did against S.Paul, 114. ex- 
amine Catechumens and Jews about 
mysteries, 115. use violence through 
soldiers, 1 16. hide their records, ibid, 
admit Arians to communion at Jeru- 
salem, ibid, their aim to overthrow 
the authority of the Council, 47. 
nominate Ischyras a Bishop as a 
reward, 118. some go up to the 
court and invent another accusation, 
121. certain of them try to deceive 
Alexandrians, 130. proved to be 
really Arians, 133. employ Meletians 
against S. Athan. 152. charge S. 
Athan. with exasperating Constans 
against Constantius, 155. accuse 
him to Constans, 1 58. of writing to 
the usurper, 159. of using an un- 
dedicated Church, 166. yet Arius 
summoned to Constantinople, 211. 
seek to bring him into the Church 
with violence, ibid, and 212. perse- 
cuted Marcellus, (vid. Marcellus,) 
223. accuse S. Athan. to Emperors 
Constantius and Constans, 226 — 90. 
alone to Constantius, ibid, persecute, 
227. decline the Council at Rome, ibid. 

Digitized by 



persecute through Gregory, 228. 
bring a Count to Council of Sardica, 

230. shut themselves up in the palace, 

231. fly from the Council, 232. per- 
secute at Adrianople, tyrannical to 
Alexandrians, 234. plot against 
Catholic legates at Antioch, 235. 

f>ersuade Ursacius and Valens to re- 
apse, 242. and Constantius 243. 
call him king of their heresy, ibid, 
they force subscription to Arian 
heresy under pain of banishment, 244. 
persecute Liberius, 248. persecute 
Hosius, 256. persecute Alexandrians 
to force them to leave S. Athan. de- 
fenceless, 262. persuade the Emperor, 

Eusebian letter to Pope Julius, arro- 
gant, 40. and its contents, n. c. 

Eusebius, Bishop of Nicomedia, not 
appointed canonically, 23. n. e. 
leader of Arians, 89. bribes Mele- 
tians, threatens S. Athan. 89. plots 
against him through Meletians, ibid, 
often convicted by Eutropius, 222. 
covets Bishopric of Constantinople, 
223. defends Arius in his blasphe- 
mies, 278. deserts Berytus and covets 
Nicomedia, 299. takes part of Arians. 

Eustathius, Bishop of Antioch, 190, 
and n. a. persecuted by Arians, 222. 

Eutropius, Bishop of Adrianople, per- 
secuted by Arians, 222. 

Eutychius, martyred, 272. 

Eve, 127. 


Faith had not its beginning at this 
time, but it came down to us from 
the Lord, through His Disciples, 
vid. Tradition, 

Feet, washing of, 273, and n. o. 

F/acillus, some account of, 39, n. b. 

Flight, 201. vid. Christ. S. Athan. 
Saints. Time. 

Frankincense, 269. (vid. Incense.) 

Friday, called ' the Preparation,' 7, 294 . 

Frumentius, Bishop of Auxumis, 179. 
and some account of, n. n. 


Gatherings, 91. 

Gentiles kinder to Christians than the 
Arians, 276. 

George, Bishop of Laodicea, some ac- 
count of, 25, n. f. hired by Arians to 
be Bishop of Alexandria, 133, 181, 
192. outrages against Alexandrians, 
192, 193. 

Gibbon, his account of S. A than. 's going 
up to the Emperor, 26 . n. g. 

God The Father, Arian novelties of, 

Godliness, wi&ua, meaning of, 23. 

Gorgonius, commander of the city force 
of Alexandria, 275, 295. 

Gregory, comes from Cappadocia, and 
what follows from his appointment, 
4 — 9. sent by the Eusebians in the 
place of Pistus, 9. proved to be an 
Arian by his secretary Aramon, 11. 
degraded at Sardica, 63. persecutes 
at Alexandria, 228. his profaneness, 
229. not canonically a Bishop, ibid, 
and n. t. declared a Bishop by Coun- 
cil of Sardica, 233. 


Handwriting 107, 163. 

Heathen, vid. Arians. Miraculous Judg- 

Helena, S. some account of, 222, n. a. 

Heraclius, Count, sent against S. 
Athan. 267. breaks into the great 
Church, 268. causes Virgins to be 
persecuted, ibid, and the Church to 
be pillaged, 269. (vid. Church.) pil- 
laging miraculously hindered, 270. 

Heretics, deceivers like Satan, 128. 
reject the Law, (vid. Law,) ibid, 
quote Scripture like Satan to deceive 
the simple, 129. agree to lie, 130. 
with an unupright mind as a cloak, 
134. cannot bear to hear the words of 
holy men, 142. read but do not be- 
lieve the Bible, 189. hear, but do 
not see things it contains, 197. do not 
understand the Gospels, ibid, perse- 
cutors from example of Satan, 205. 
take kings as their patrons, 243. pay 
no honour to the aged, 265. 

Hermetary, a rack on which Virgins 
were tortured, 185. 

Hilarius, a notary in company with 
Syrianus, 294. 

Hilary, a Deacon, 253. some account 
of, n. d. 

History of Arians, 217. (see Arian 

Holy Communion only celebrated on 

Sundays, probably in Egyptian 

Churches, 29. n. k. 
Holy Mysteries, how treated by Arians, 

51. and n. k. and n. n. Presbyters 

ministers of them, 62. (v. Presbyter.) 
Holy Table treated irreverently with 

Pagan Sacrifices and Blasphemies, 

6. (vid. Table.) 
Holy Scripture, Ecclesiasticus so called, 

96, 128. most sufficient, 130. (and 

ref, 3.) 

Digitized by Google 



Hosius persecuted by Constantius, 123, 
177. praises of, 191. a Confessor, 
255. persecuted by Arms, ibid, firm 
against Constantius, 256. writes to 
bim, ibid, warns bim against siding 
with the enemies of S. Atban. 267. 
and not to intrude in Ecclesiastical 
matters, 268. lapses through torture, 


Incense, 258. and n. a. 

Ischyras, no Presbyter, false accuser of 
S. Athan. 30. confesses himself sub- 
orned to make a false statement, 
34. lived in Peace of Secontaruri, 
ibid. n. o. and p. 118, 48, 62, 93, 
100. retracts and confesses, 93. 
proved no Presbyter, 102. taken to 
the Mareotis, 1 03. deposed by Hosius, 
105. no Presbyter, and never had a 
Church, 108, 118. seven persons in 
his congregation, 110, 112. 118. 


Jews take part with the heathen against 
the Church, 5. 

Job, a man of mighty fortitude, 200. 
his wife, 127. 

John, a Meletian, conduct of him and 
his partisans, 34. 

Judaism brought in by Arians, 141. 

Julius, S. Bishop of Rome, 16. his letter 
to the Eusebians at Antioch, 39. 
blames their letter, 40. invites them 
to a revision of their decision, 41. 
blames them for refusing a Coun- 
cil, 42. for dishonouring Councils, 
43. for ordaining Arians, 44. his 
sentiments those of all, 46. gives 
reasons for admitting S. Athan. 
47. by refuting their charges, (vid. 
Eusebians, pp, 22 — 28.) by their un- 
canonical appointment of Gregory, 
50,51. and proceedings in the Mare- 
otis, 62. acquits Marcellus, ibid, but 
see n. 1. exhorts them to peace, 63. 
for the welfare of the Church, 54. 
or they must prove their charges, 55. 
and not act any longer against his 
prerogative, 56. and excite God's 
wrath, 57- blesses them, 58. writes 
to Alexandrians, 81. invites Euse- 
bians to a Council, 227. 


Keepers of idol temples, 9, 267, 268. 


Laity, 50. forty of them banished, 284. 
Laws, ecclesiastical different to civil, 

Law, if you reject it, you reject the 
Gospel, 128. Heretics reject it, ibid. 

Legates, sending of, recognised by 
Council of Sardica, 39, n. a. repre- 
sent the Ecclesiastical Supremacy, 
76. (vid. Supremacy.) 

Lent, 7, 166, 192. 

Letter of Alexander to S. Athan. 95. 
of Alexander Bishop of Thessalonica 
to Count Dionysius, 113. of Alex- 
andrian Clergy to the Commission, 
104. of Arsenius to S. Athan. 98. 
of Clergy of Mareotis to the Council 
of Tyre, 105. of the Clergy of Mare- 
otis to the Controller, &c. 107. of 
Communion, {liter a format ce^) 8, 99. 
Emperor cannot send them, 221, 268. 
of Constantine to Alexandrians, 90. 
of Constantino the younger to Church 
of Alexandria, 121. of Constantine to 
Council of Tyre, 119. of Constan- 
tine to John, 96. (part of) of Con- 
stantine to S. Atban. 89. (2) of Con- 
stantine to S. Athan. 96. acquits him 
of charge of murder, and breaking a 
Chalice, 97. condemns the Mele- 
tians, 98. of Constantius to all Ca- 
tholic Bishops, 82. of Constantius to 
the Alexandrians, 84, 180. of Con- 
stantius to the Princes of Auxumis, 
182. of Constantius to S. Athan. 
174. of Council of Jerusalem to 
Alexandrians, 85. of Council of Jeru- 
salem to Alexandrian Church, 116. 
of Council of Sardica to Alexandria, 
(vld.Council of Sardica,) 60. of Council 
of Sardica to Bishops of Egypt and 
Libya refutes the charces against 
S. Athan. 65. of Count Dionysius to 
Eusebians, 114. of Egyptian Bishops 
at Tyre to Council of Tyre, 109. the 
same to Count Flavius Dionysius, 

111. second of the same to the same, 

112. Encyclical, of Council of Sar- 
dica, (vid. Council of Sardica,) 69. 
Encyclical, to Egypt and Libya, 125. 
of Hosius to Constantius, 256. of 
Pope Julius to Alexandrians, re- 
joices with them that their prayers 
are heard, and S. Athan. returned 
to them, 81, 82. of Receiver- General, 
118. of S. Athan. to Serapion, 210. 
of Ursacius and Valens to Pope 
Julius, 86. and n. q. and to S. Athan, 

Levite, history of, in Book of Judges 
not so bad as the sufferings of the 
Church, 2. 

Digitized by Google 



IAberiua banished by Constantius, 123, 
177. bis answer to the Eunuch, 249. 
what followed at Rome, 251. his 
speech to the Emperor, 252. sends 
letters to Emperor to no purpose, 
253. lapses, 254. 

Lord, (xu^f,) title of the Pope, 86. 
title of a Bishop, 87, 93, 96, 110, 
113. r. 2. 3irr#cjr, 95, 113, 121. 

Lord's Day, 192. 

Lucius, Bishop of Adrianople, banished 
by Arians, 234. 


Macarius falsely accused of breaking a 
chalice, 28, 90, 93. sent as prisoner 
to Corea, Tyre, 101. kept under a 
guard of soldiers, 103. at Constan- 
tinople when Ariu8 dies, 21 1, 221. 

Magistrates attend to civil causes only, 
64. and n. c. 

Magnentius, 160, 172. 

Manichees shew no mercy, 274. 

Marcellus Bishop, favourable testimony 
of, 43. confesses orthodoxy before 
Pope Julius, 52. (but see n. 1.) 
Bishop of Ancyro-Galatia, 69. his 
book not heretical, 73. persecuted 
by Arians, 223. 

Mareotis, some account of, 34. n. o. 

Martyrdom, to make a stand for the 
Faith, 150. 

Martyry of the Saviour, 116. of Saint 
Peter, 250. and n. c. 

Master (of the camp), 163. n. m. 2. 

4 Master of the Palace,' 167. and n. d. 
163. and n. m. 3. 

Maximian grandfather of Constantius, 

Mechir, February in Egyptian calendar, 
294, 296. 

Mendicants, 228, and n. a. 

Meletians, false accusers of S. A than. 
27. schismatics since days of S. 
Peter, 29, 38. received into the 
Church again, 38. plot with Euse- 
bians against S. Athan. 89. conspire 
with Eusebians in Corea, Tyre, 
against S. Athan. 101. join Arian 
fanatics against S. Athan. 151. em- 
ployed by Eusebians against him, 152. 
bow easily they became Arians, 289. 
look upon the Clergy as a civil 
senate, 290. introduced Arian heresy 
into Egypt, ibid. 

Meletius Bishop, some account of, 29. 
n. i. deposed, and made a schism, 
88. and n. r. 

Miraculous judgments, Arians do not 
regard them, 271. vid. Heraclius. 

Monastery 96. fitw^rv^t*, 284. 

Monks, 6, 179, 284. 

Montanus, brings S. Athan. a letter 
from the Emperor, 171. 


Nestorius, 84. 

Niceea, Council of, S. Athan. present at, 
21. Chrestus appointed, 24. number 
of Canons, 41. n. d. number present, 
43. n. e. 

Notary, 173. and n. s. 


Oblation, not offered in presence of 

Catechumens, 49. 
Official agents, 163. and n. m. 4. 
Oil in stores in the Church, 7. 
Order-books, 84. 


Phamo, mines of, 272. 

Palace, 231. explained, n. b. 249. 

Palm tree, scourges made of, 284. 

Patrician, 108. and n. c. 

Paul, Bishop of Constantinople, mar- 
tyred by Arians, 223. 

Peace given to the Church by oar 
Lord, broken by schism, 53. 

Pentecost, 192. 

Persecution from the devil, 205. Arian 
under Constantino, 219. first Arian 
under Constantius, 226. Arian after 
Sardica, 233. second Arian under 
Constantius, 241. cannot influence 
the will, 246, 246, 264. of Liberius, 
248. causes truth to spread, 247 and 
253. at Alexandria, 262. in Egypt, 
276. in time of Maximian, ibid, the 
early theory of, 279. n. c. 

Petra, 233. and n. c. 

Phihgrius, Prefect of Egypt, 6. the 
way in which he took part with 
Gregory, 4, 6. called the Governor, 
7, 31, 224. sent out as Prefect of 
Egypt, 226, 228. assists Arians to 
persecute, 233. 

Philip, Prefect, agent in murder of 
Paul, 224. 

Pistus, sent by the Eusebians to be 
Bishop of Alexandria before Gregory, 
and excommunicated, 9. and 37. 
ordained by Secundus, 44. 

Pope, 39. (see Julius.) his preroga- 
tive, 66. nn. q. and s. receives from 
S. Peter, 67. and n. u. and h. 249 
and 261. ref. 2. called * brother,' and 
1 fellow-Bishop,' 61. other Bishops so 
called, 93, 96, 98. 

Digitized by Google 



Porphyriam ; Allans bo called by Con- 

8tantius, 264, and n. o. 
Post, 60. explained n. h. 133, 236. 
Potamo, Egyptian Bishop, at Council 

of Tyre, 26, n. e. 
Prayer in an undedicated Church, 167. 

better with many than separately, 

168. and in a building than a desert, 


Prefect of Egypt puts forth a public 
letter, haying form of an Edict, 4. 
uses violence in Commission to the 
Mareotis, 106, 7. v. Philagrius. 

Prepay at ion, the, (and vid. n. i.) 7, 

Prerogative, Pope's, 66. and n. q. and 
s. and p. 67. of Church of Rome, 
80, n. p. 

Presbyter, 4, Presbyters sent into 
foreign countries to hear appeals, 39, 
and n. a. ministers of holy Mysteries, 

Prophets, false, Christians warned 

against, 126. 
Protest, the second of the Alexandrians, 


Provinces, 184, and n. z. 
Psalter, 7. 

Public conveyance, 100, and n. y. 


Qutestor of the City, 171, and n. r. 


Receiver-general, 32, 118, 163, n. m. 
268, 269. 

Reserve, why necessary now, 28, n. k. 
Retractation of Ureacius and Valens, 

36, and n. q. 239. 
Romania, 248, and n. b. 
Rome, 14. an Apostolical Throne, 248, 

and n. a. 
Rowers under command, 91. 
Rule, apostolical, 67, 179, 246, 249. v. 

Tradition, and Canon. 


Sacred Catalogue, 83. (and see margin.) 

Saints, an example of flight from per- 
sedition, 196. spoke our Lord's com- 
mands before He came, ibid, their 
conduct like our Lord's in fleeing, 
197. sacred writers so called, 128, 
and 198. acted like our Lord in 
waiting their time, 199. before and 
after His coming under His teaching, 

ibid, their flight not cowardice, but 
fortitude, 200. examples of great 
fortitude, 202. their flight neither 
blameable nor unprofitable, 203. pre- 
served in it for need of others, 204. 

Sardica, 14, 66, &c. 230, &c. 

Satan attempting to appear holy is 
detected by Christians as by Christ, 

Scripture, 128. (v. Holy Scripture.) 
Seats in a Church, 269. 
Secundus, Bishop, Arian, 44. 
Presbyter at Barea martyred 

by Arians, 277. 
Serapion, S. some account of, 210, 224. 
Separatum, time of, 268, ref. 6. 
Sick persons refuse the ministrations of 

the Arian heretics, 9. 
Soldiers employed at the Council of 

Tyre, 102. sent with Gregory, 226. 

employed at Councils by Eusebians, 


Subintroducta, 241 , n. a. 

Subscriptions to Enoycl. Lett. Couno. 
Sard. 76, and n. 1. (v. Enoycl. Lett.) 
doubt about number, 78, n. o. of 
Presbyters of Alexandria to depo- 
tion of S. Alexander, (v. Alexander, 
S.) 303. and of Deacons, ibid, and of 
Presbyters and Deacons of Mareotis, 

Sums laid up in the Church by indi- 
viduals, 7. 

Supremacy, 67, and n. o. civil and 
ecclesiastical, 76, n. m. 80, n. p. 

Syrianus, general, comes to Alexan- 
dria, 173. enters the Church with 
soldiers, 176, 206. accused to the 
Emperor of his violence by the 
Alexandrians, 293. account Alex- 
andrians gave of his violence, 294, 


Table, Holy, 6. made of wood, 269. 
and n. g. 

Theodorus, some account of, 39. n. b. 

Theognius, some account of, 23. n. d. 
and 39. n. b. 

Throne in a Church, 269. 

Time, our Lord's creation of it, 198. 
appointed for all men, ibid, for 
flight, 199. for staying, 200. 

Trades, Xtyarim, 33, 268. n. e. 

Tradition, Apostolical, 60. of the Fa- 
thers, 67. synonymous with ' Canon/ 
239. n. b. derived from the Fathers 
and Apostle Peter, 249. none to 
allow soldiers and eunuchs authority 
in Church matters, 266. (v. Canon.) 

Translation, some account of the law- 
fulness of, 23. n. c. 




Unity to be preserved in peace, (App. 

Ursacius and Valens, 14, 90. penitent to 
Rome and retract, 86. and 122, and 
n. 1., and 239. write to S. Athan. 87. 
and 239. not forced to retract, 29. 

Usurper (Magnentius), 159, and n. i. 


Valens, 14. v. Ursacius. 

Veils worn by virgins, 7. v. 3. 167. 

and n. e. 268. 
Vestments, linen, 89. and marg. 
Vetranio deposed by Constantius, 264. 

and n. a. (v. Constantius.) 
Vigil, 176. kept in the Church, 294. 
Viminacium, town where S. Athan. 

saw Constantius, 159. 
Virgins in the Church at Alexandria 

persecuted, 6, and 192, and 268. 
their veils, 7. consecrated to God, 
and called 1 brides of Christ/ 185. 
scourged by Arians, 284. those mur- 
dered by Syrians attained the glory 
of martyrdom, 294. 
Volumes containing Holy Scripture, 
158. and n. f. wvxrta. 


Widows beaten and trampled under 
foot, 6, 228. clergy took care of 
them, 274. scourged on the soles of 
their feet, 284. 

Wine in the Church in large quan- 
tities, 7. 

Word of God, Arian novelties con- 
cerning, (App. 300.) 

Writers (like an amanuesis), 164. and 
n. o. 

Digitized by Google 



iv. 12. erivm xmi rfiftvt. 


xxv. 8. 
xxvii. 12. 
xxxi. 2. 

xlii. 21. 


iii. 10. 
xv. 9. 

xx. 13. 

xxi. 13. 
xxiii. 1» Sept. 

vi. 16. 

vii. 20, &c. 


xix. 19. 



xx vi. 




10, 11. 

1 161 
S 224 




156, 159 

xii. 14, &c. 




i. 10. 
xvii. 9. Sept. 



v. 26. 
xviii. 5. 
xl. 24. Sept. 
xii. 4. Sept. 


xxvii. 1. 
xxxi. 7, 8. 



xxxiii. 6. 
xxxvii. 40. 
xl. 1. 
xliv. 20. 
xlv. 1. 
1. 3. 
liii. 1. 
liv. 7. 






202, 301 


Digitized by 




hi. 11. 
lvii. 3. 
lxix. 86. 
lxxiv. 6. 
xciv. 11. 
ci» 6. 

oii. 23. Sept. 

ex. 3. 
oxTi. 16, Sec. 
exxxvi. 1. 
exxxix. 6. 

169, 172 


viii. 22. 


x. 12. 





xii 6. 




xiii. 3. Sept 


xiv. 16. 


XV. 1. 






xvi. 13. 164, 

177, 187 

xviii. 3. 


J/, 1UO 

xx. 13. Sept 




xxv. 2. 








xxviii. 28. Sept 


xxix. 12. 


xxx. 8. 





iii. 2. 


v. 8,9. 


vii. 17. 


23, 24. 




ix. 12. 


x. 20. 



v. 2. 



v. 20. 

206, 220 

ix. 6. 


x. 14. 


xiv. 14. 

xxvi. 20. 

xxxii. 6. 
xlvii. 6. 
1. 6. 
lit 11. 


ii. 12. 

. 30. 

xiv. 10. 
xvii. 11. 
xxii. 10. 


xi. 13. 
xxxiv. 2, &c. 


vii. 6, 7. 
ix. 27. 


i. 7. Sept 

ii. 17. 


iv. 41. 


iv. 18. 
xii. 7. 

148, 217 
186, 204 
148, 292 








i. 11. 17, 169 


vii. 6. 
xv. 9. 
xxx. 4. 



)igitWd b. 




11. 13. 

1 r\tm 


111. o. 


iv. 7» 




v. 10. 


1 K 




vi. 6. 


vii. 6. 




viii. 29. 

128, 142 

x. 22. 

63, 67 


8, 190 



xi. y. 


xiv. 3. 


xv. 4. 


xvi. 16. 



245, 273 

xvii. 5. 

142, 143 

xviii. 18. 



3, 108 



xix. 6. 




xxii. 21. 




xxiv. 15. 




24, 25. 


xxv. 35, 40. 




xxvi. 4. 




i. 24. 



iv. 3. 



iy7> i**** 

xii. 20. 


xvi. 8. 


xviii. 2. 


xxi. 8. 

1 e%£t ono 
lzo, 0U2 



i. i. 


, 145, 301 



143 twice 



, 146, 301 



ii. 4. 




Hi. 17. 


v. 17. 

vi. 46. 

vii. 6. 

viii. 5. 

58, 59. 

x. 15. 

xi. 53, 54. 
xiv. 6. 


xvi. 28. nxm A than. 

xvii. 1. 

xviii. 4, 5. 



i. 18. 
v. 6, 10. 
\ 4. 
ix. 5. 

xx. 29. 

xxi. 15. 

xxiii. 11. 

xxiv. 18, 19. 

xxv. 16. 


i. 2. 
v. 4. 
viii. 35. 
35, 37. 
xi. 33. 
xv. 19. 

145, 302 
141, 301 
164, 171 
141, 301 
143, 301 

147, 212 

129, 141 

149, 220 




i. 24. 

ii. 9. 

v. 13. 

vi. 10. 

vii. 27. 

xiv. 33. 

xv. 32. 

xvi. 22. 





Digitized by 





i. 23. 

ii. 11. 

vi. 14, 15. 
x. 15. 
xii. 4. 


i. 8, 9. 
v. 13. 

76, 301 



i. 12. 

ii. 9. 



ii. 289, 290, 292 


i. 18. 

iii. 2. 

iv. 1. 

vi. 6. 


179, 221. 222 
149, 151, 302 


ii. 17. 

iii. 11. 

iv. 7. 

131, 302 ! 

149, 204 



i. 14. 149 


i. 3. 141, 301 

ii. 10. 143, 301 

ix. 27. 212 

xi. 37, 38. 200 

xii. 1. 204 
xiii. 8. 301 


i. 12. 


v. 8. 


ii. 22. 

iv. 1. 

v. 20. 

1 JOHN. 

2 JOHN. 


88, 242 



Digitized by 



iya**, ctyarav, 60, 230. 
aytvTtrfyif&auf , 163. 
ayia, 128. 
iyt^aTot, 268, 271. 
itut. 268. 
uKifatot, 299. 
«x«i>, ib. 

»zateuttjT«t , 148. 

uXfifalett Xoy«t, 59. 

«X\«'r^i« r«» ofyettatt, 213. 

«X«y.'«, dxtytms, 144, 265. vid. 301, 

dvtoffta, 2. 
anTJan, 223, 239. 
•MgA«r , 228, 273. 
atfy*>To<r*0tit f 144. 

CC90fAOg , 290. 

dvrtxiifiUos , 292. 
avrixprref, 274. 

Airfiufy, 151. 
&*i»ms, 222, 236. 
»ttakv9tt t 268. 

ecguefiattrai, 4, 43. 

2 12. 


255, 284. 
*ZX lx i wt«, 9 1 . 

«Vi£i/«, *<ri/3^, 261, 270, 273, 275. 
&*xn<ri S , 239. 
ezQogph, 217. 

ymW*/, 140. 

ywtjr*;, yttvtifnw, 139, 217. 
y«>iu?, 238. 

Wririif, 95, 121. 

flOV, 1 13. 

*4uw, 228, 247, 271, 274. 
?»»/<*/«^>'?f*'«/, 139. 
h*(Zo\ei, 160, 169. 
2<«r«^jf, 146. 

Itaralyt rei* etvorrJkatt, 57, 149. 
tityvtcttot, 28.5. 
?t*r«/3**. 7, 270. 

i7*<>f, 145. 

\xx\nfftatrrixbs, 278. 
ixrma/ ftattcu, 248, 2.55. 
Ww, 109. 

Itraxovut, 122. 
2«-iW, 129. 139, 143. 
\(>yci elect, 33, 268. 
liyasnjgMir, 213. 
f<rr*>, 221,282. 
lTat£OTgoQot , 236. 
thyn^iritret , 191. 
tut0U%at, 250. 

*M|3ii*, 3, 23, 35, 261, 290. 
"*n, 82. 
I^«ff. 262. 

(ZdXXtrai, 126. 
/3nX«», 157. 
/W*'*, 107. 

i5**, 135. 

Digitized by 




t%op.*%*t, *35. 
$%§fM9nr§$ t 217. 
Iwwyfc, 211. 

^fM/MV, 120. 

/X«**'«t , 250. 

ft*«, 139. 
<%«T«t , 213, 218. 
lumrtif, 212. 

;»«»>», 292. vid. also 299, n. d. 
lr%u**t. 44. 

Pit***** 290. 

^vrw, /Mt^m^tj 216, 282. 

•*Ai*e«, 182. 


io%t7rftu rag IsafbXai i<r), 266. 

♦Mr*, 228. 245. 
•vrm. 140,300. 
ty/«X^/«, 223, 299. 

»al«Xj»«f, 163. 
179, 294. 

77. vid. Preface, p. xxviii. 
m*t«9trfii*M, 55. 
«»r«££if0-rj*«r, 300. 
««r«V««<r«, 221, 259, 263. 
xikiurcu, 59. 
»l>Ju«», 48. 

Wiif ( 49, 62, 70, 212, 242. 
*xS ff *< 37, 283. 
«f«ra?r« vUrtf, 183. 
»fu'rr«», 182, 183. 
»t/£/«*«y, 293 

mums, B5, 86, 87, 93, 95. 

113, 239, 240. 
xt/£*rsu } Hvpt, 60, 266. 

•toAariM, 89. 


«-«;«£«r*f , 226. 
<r*f*3#c«r#f, 221. 
c«{«W/f, 249. 
T*l<i *fif, 290, 299. 
r«f 60. 
ra^eufflet It 196. 

wetpuftt, 297. 
var*^ r£» ir/rxtfr*^, 230. 
+t£i&9fillut i 159. 
vgfifiggsw. 227, 235. 
w$tnft»i 139. 
+£e*i{Wfy 238. 
we&pift, 289, 299. 
wptrp^xftti*, 41, 54. 
TpftefAla, 45, 227. 
«•£*«•/»»/», 30. 
w^M'rarnf , 226. 
mm, 158. 

X«rfi/«, 120. 
X«y/rT«, 171. 
X^y^ir^ 163. 
xVy« dXtittiat, 59. 

pti/xarff, 299. 
/Ar«, 221, -99. 

ffaravixot, 273. 
enptTn, 217, 270. 
m££», 250. 

payirrps , 163. ^ 

tJfun. 148, 152, 159, 160, 161, 
162, 185. 

8, 148. 151, 152, 255, 278. , 

fMtPTV^Of 150. *T£i(lt\9S 6. 

fu»pi,»xi*, 41 , 55, 56, 99. riAAi<«Sgy*» 1,17, 299. 

ffwrnpot, 284. rw«>W**, 39, 147, 158, 

^•w, 50, 96, 229. #wi<V«*r«<, 241. 

ffTt%ec£tev, 89. 
^«tu>«#, 275, 295. 
*r£KTi»rtif , 295. 

rr£«rArifcf , 59, 100, 120, 158, 257. 
rrgof&tXts 6. 


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rtftZv, 40. 

rig y«t %*9tm } 301. 

ring vHs mrmfawg, 202. 
r^tvrcf, 89. 

vytmnv** wUrtg, 214, 302. 
&r«}|»rftf , 286. 
vx»x^efjL%U( ,211. 
Mmns , 300. 

f AW, 220. 
0,A.jjW, 252. 

X *pa), 181. 
^^OiXimK, 302. 
*i) e , 107, 163. 
Xpurfavt, 86. 
#e<rw>«**, 89, 124, 132. 





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Digitized by 










The Rev. E. B. PUSEY, D.D. 

Itegius Professor of Hebrew, Canon of Christ Church, late Fellow of Oriel College. 

The Rev. JOHN KEBLE, M.A. 

Professor of Poetry, late Fellow of Oriel College* 

The Rev. J. H. NEWMAN, B.D. 

Fellow of Oriel College. 

The Rev. C. MARRIOTT, M.A. 

Fellow of Oriel College. 

A Publication, answering to the above title, appeared to the Editors 
calculated to answer many and important ends, and to supply considerable 
wants, some peculiar to our own Church and times, others more general. 

Their chief grounds for thinking it very desirable were such as the fol- 
lowing: — 

1 . The great intrinsic value of many of the works of the Fathers, which, 
are, at present, inaccessible, except to such as have large libraries, and are 
familiar with the languages in which they are written ; and this the more, 
since a mere general acquaintance with the language will not enable a 
person to read with ease many of the Fathers. E. g. Knowledge of 
Latin alone will not suffice to read Tertullian : and in cases less strong, 
ecclesiastical language and peculiarity of style will often present consider- 
able difficulties at first. 

2. The desirableness of bringing together select works of different 
Fathers. Many who would wish to become acquainted with the Fathers, 
know not where to begin ; and scarcely any have the means to procure any 
great number of their works. Editions of the whole works of a Father, 
(such as we for the most part have,) are obviously calculated for divines, 
not for private individuals : they furnish more of the works of each Father 
than most require, and their expense precludes the acquisition of others. 

3. The increased demand for sacred reading. The Clergy of one period 
are obviously unequal to meet demands so rapid, and those of our day have 
additional hindrances, from the great increased amount of practical duties. 
Where so much is to be produced, there is of necessity great danger that 

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much will not be so mature as, on these subjects, is especially to be desired. 
Our occupations do not leave time for mature thought. 

4. Every body of Christians has a peculiar character, which tends to 
make them look upon the system of faith, committed to us, on a particular 
side ; and so, if they carry it on by themselves, they insensibly contract its 
limits and depth, and virtually lose a great deal of what they think that 
they hold. While the system of the Church, as expressed by her Creeds 
and Liturgy, remains the same, that of her members will gradually become 
contracted and shallow, unless continually enlarged and refreshed. In 
ancient times this tendency was remedied by the constant living intercourse 
between the several branches of the Catholic Church, by the circulation of 
the writings of the Fathers of the several Churches, and, in part, by the 
present method — translation. We virtually acknowledge the necessity of 
such accessions by our importations from Germany and America ; but the 
circumstances of Germany render mere translation unadvisable, and most 
of the American Theology proceeds from bodies who have altered the doc- 
trine of the Sacraments. 

5. The peculiar advantages of the Fathers in resisting heretical errors, 
in that they had to combat the errors in their original form, before men's 
minds were familiarized with them, and so risked partaking of them; and 
also in that they lived nearer to the Apostles. 

6. The great comfort of being able to produce, out of Christian antiquity, 
refutations of heresy, (such as the different shades of the Arian :) thereby 
avoiding the necessity of discussing, ourselves, profane errors, which, on so 
high mysteries, cannot be handled without pain, and rarely without injury 
to our own minds. 

7. The advantage which some of the Fathers (e. g. St. Chrysostom) 
possessed as Commentators on the New Testament, from speaking its lan- 

8. The value of having an ocular testimony of the existence of Catholic 
verity, and Catholic agreement; that truth is not merely what a man 
troweth ; that the Church once was one, and spake one language ; and 
that the present unhappy divisions are not necessary and unavoidable. 

9. The circumstance that the Anglican branch of the Church Catholic 
is founded upon Holy Scripture and the agreement of the Universal Church; 
and that therefore the knowledge of Christian antiquity is necessary in 
order to understand and maintain her doctrines, and especially her Creeds 
and her Liturgy. 

10. The importance, at the present crisis, of exhibiting the real practical 
value of Catholic Antiquity, which is disparaged by Romanists in order to 
make way for the later Councils, and by others in behalf of modern and 
private interpretations of Holy Scripture. The character of Catholic anti- 
quity, and of the scheme of salvation, as set forth therein, cannot be ap- 
preciated through the broken sentences of the Fathers, which men pick up 
out of controversial dhinity. 

1 1. The great danger in which Romanists are of lapsing into secret infi- 
delity, not seeing how to escape from the palpable errors of their own 
Church, without falling into the opposite errors of Ultra-Protestants. It 
appeared an act of especial charity to point out to such of them as are dissa- 
tisfied with the state of their own Church, a body of ancient Catholic truth, 
free from the errors, alike of modern Rome and of Ultra- Protestantism. 

12. Gratitude to Almighty God, who has raised up these great lights 
in the Church of Christ, and set them there for its benefit in all times. 

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1. The subjects of the several treatises to be published shall mainly be, Doctrine, 
Practice, Exposition of Holy Scripture, Refutation of Heresy, or History. 

2. The treatises shall be published entire, so as to form a whole. 

6. Each volume shall consist either of a work or works of a single Father, or of those 
of several Fathers upon the same subject, or connected subjects, as in selections of 

8. The Editors hold themselves responsible for the selection of the several treatises 
to be translated, as also for the faithfulness of the translations. 

11. The originals of the works translated shall be printed*. It would be well, 
therefore, if Subscribers would specify, if they wish for the originals, either with or 
without the translations. 

12. It is understood that subscriptions continue, until it be intimated that they are 
discontinued, and that they extend, under ordinary circumstances, to the end of each 

14. Not more than four volumes to appear in each year : the price to Subscribers not 
to exceed 9s. for a closely printed 8vo of 400 pages; to the public it will be raised 
one-fourth. When old Translations are revised, the price will be diminished. 

15. No volume can be subscribed for after it is published; but the Subscription List 
remains open for the future volumes. 

* The object of publishing the originals has been steadily kept in view, though delayed by 
difficulties, inseparable from the commencement of such an undertaking, as well as bit sorrowful 
dispensations. Collations of MSS. at Rome, Paris, Mtinich, Vienna, Florence, Venice, have 
now been in part obtained, in part are being made, for S. Chrysostom's Homilies on S. Paul, on 
the Statues, S. Cyril of Jerusalem, Macarius, Tertullian, S. Basil Hexaem. S.Greg. Nyss. fyc. 
It is hoped that S. Chrysobtom's Homilies on the Corinthians will appear during the ensuing 


Works already published. 

ATH AN ASl US, S Select Treatises, Part t 

' On the Mcene Definition. / 

Councils of Ariminum and )>Rev. J. H. Newman, B.D. Fellow of Oriel. 
Seleucia, and the First Ora- V 
tiun against the Arians J 

Historical Documents Rev. M. Atkinson, M.J. Fellow of Lincoln. 

AUGUSTINE, S Condon ., .«h lh e l.U.J W(j VranslatlonttniTexl> revtsedhyKII . Puiev> D.2). 

CYR1L.S.OF JERUSALEM Catechetical Discourses Rev. R. W. Church, B.A. Fellow of Oriel. 

CYPRIAN. S. Ti eacises, lute Rev. C. Thornton, M.J. Christ Church. 

CH RYSOSTOM, S Homilies on S. Matthew,Part I. Rev. Sir G. Precost, M.J. Oriel. 

\ Rev. J. B. Morris, M.J. Fellow of Exeter. 
On the Epistle to the Romans, g"- J ' 'fi^* 4 M k ' A J ¥ / d t h 7 m ^ , „ 
lCorinthfan8,Galatians,Ephe- §f 9 \ **' P * \ l ? te Fei '' " °f Exet ^ r - 
sians, Philippians, Colosslans, L?* Me C. Wood, M.J. Ortel. 
ThessalonuSs, 1 and 2 Timo- f £ J ' ^P**^**?™ f^*^' 
thy, Titus, and Philemon. §,">• YP\ C ?"°% ^i' 'V »*"*/{ ° h ' CH ' 
' Rev. J. J. Jshworth. M.J. Fellow of Brase-nose. 

„ . . / Rev. J. Tweed, M.J. C.C.C. Camb. 

Homilies on the Statues Rev. E. Budge. 

TERTULLIAN Acetic and Practical J ^ a MJL% ^ Studeni ^ a 

In the Press. 

ATHANAS1US, S Select Treatises, Part 2. i 

Second, Third, and Fourth > Rev. J. H. Newman, B.D. Fellow of Oriel. 
_ vc ~ e ~ n . Orations against the Arians S J 

£2?« ■ ?5 « ' S Homilies on St. Matthew . . . .Rev. Sir G. Prevost, M.J. Oriel. 
FPHRAEM SYrYtV^ vP^v t 9 ' H.Carey, M.J. Worcester College. 

i R lSoiY, S S Y \ U Hfe0L0. 1 *° f ' M0rr "> M A ' ™" 0fExeUr ' 

GUS, OF NAZIANZUM \ s « rmon » Rev. R. F. Wilson, M.J. Oriel. 

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Preparing for Publication. 

AMBROSE, S. On the Psalms Rer>. R- Coffin, B.J. Student of Christ Church. 

' On St. Lake .partly by the late S. F. Woody M.J. Oriel. 

Doctrinal Treatises 

Epistles .partly by the late S. F. Wood, M.A. Oriel. 

ATHANASIUS, S. Tracts on the Incarnation and J ^ Q M A FeUowqf oriel. 

AUGUSTINE, S Anti-Pelagian Tracts Rev. F. Oakeley, M.J. Fellow of BalUol. 

Anti-Donatist Tract* Rev. F. W. Faber, M.A. Fellow of UrHvcrXy- 

Epistle . . J 
- the Psalms .... Anonymous. 

PracUcal Treatises *.'.'.! Rev. C. L. Cornish, M.J. Fellow of Exeter. 

Homilies on the New i Rgv R Q MacmuUen, M.A. Fellow of C.C.C. 
Jestaroent ...... I 

Epistles . Rev. H. W. WUberforce, M.J. Oriel. 

Cily of God Old Translation revised. 

D A8IL,S. THE GREAT • Treatise., and Ho-J^ Js WUliums , M .A. Fellow of Trinity . % 

CHRYSOSTOM, S Homilies on St. John Rev. G. T. Stupart, M.A. Fellow of Exeter. 

the Acts Rev. J. Walker, B.A. Brasenose. 

• l Corinthians ....Rev. J. A. Ashworth, M. A .Fellow qfBrasenost. 

the Hebrews ..... Rev. T. Keble, M.A late Fellow of C. C. C 

Select Homilies Rev. C. B.Pearson, M.A Oriel. 

On the Priesthood The late Bp. Jebb,Hnished by Rev. J.Jebb, M.A. 

Epistles Rev. E. Churton. M.J. Christ Church. 

CLEMENT, S. OF ALEX- 1 Pwdatogoa, 
ANDRIA jrwnagogoa, 

C DRLA S ! ° F A . LEX f. N ." } Again8t Nc8torin8 Rev.J.H. Newman, B.D. 

EUSEBIUS Ecclesiastical History Rev. E. A. Dayman, M.A. late Fellow of Exeter. 

G 11EGORY, S. OF NYSSA . . Sermons and Commentaries. . 
GREGORY, S. THE GREAT >| M^n^MorVlia ! \\\ '. 1 1 iTnlToZ'. 

HILARY, S On the Trinity Rev. A. Short, M. A. late Studentof Christ Churck 

Psalms. G. G. Hayter, B.A. Scholar of OrteL 

On St. Matthew. 

IRENJEUS, S Against Heresy Rev. J. Keble, M.A. 

JEROME, S Epistles Ren. J. Mozley, M.A. Fellow of Magdalen. 

J U8TI N, M Works Ven. Archdeacon Manning, M.A. late Fellow qf Meri- 

LEO, S. THE GREAT Sermons and Epistles Rev. J. H. Newman, B.D. 

MiPADiUQ q Wnrlr , fOW Translation revised by Rev. C. Marriott, MJ. 

MACAR1US, S Works { FeUow of OrieL 

OPTATUS, S On the Donatist Schism Rev. F. W. Faber, M.A. Fellow of University. 

ORIGEN Against Celsus Rev. T. Mozley, M A. late Fellow of Oriel. 

TERTULLI AN Works Rev. C. Dodgson, M.J. late Student of Ch. Ch. 

THEODORET, &c Ecclesiastical History Rev. C. Marriott, M.J. Fellow of Oriel. 

C °andDia?o^nes f } Rev ' R ' Scott * MA ' FelUnV ° J BalUoi ' 

MISCELLANIES St. Clement of Alex. "Qois-j 

d!ves salvetnr?" 
Diognetom; Tracts c 

S. Basil and S.Ambrose, Hex--) 
aemeron, S. Grsg. Nyss. de/ 

Horn. Opificio. Nemesios and I Rev. E. Marshall, M.A. late Fellow of C.C.C. 
Meletius de Nat. Horn. Theo-f W. A. GreenhiU, M.D. Trin. Coll. 
doret de Providentia. Lactan- \ 
tins de Opif. Dei. J 

. "Qois-v 
Ep. adl 
s of Hip j 

%* This list was never meant to be final, and it has been, from time to time, enlarged. It migit 
then save waste of labour, if persons contemplating the translation of works, not set down, woi$ 
enquire of the Editors, whether they are included in the plan. 

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Those marked with an * are subscribers to both the Texts and the Translations. 

Those marked t to the Texts only. 

Those not marked, to the Translations only. 

*His Grace The Lord Archbishop of Canterbury. 

His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York. 

Right Hon. and Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of London. 

Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Lincoln. 

Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Bangor. 

Hon. and Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Oxford. 

*Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Rochester. 

Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol. 

Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Exeter. 

Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Worcester, dec. 

*Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Chichester, dec. 

Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Lichfield. 

Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Winchester. 

Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Worcester. 

*Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Sodor and Man. 

Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Ripon. 

Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Barbados. 

*Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Aberdeen. 

Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Ross and Argyll. 

Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of North Carolina, 2 copies. 

*Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of New Jersey. 

Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Ohio. 

Right Rev. Bishop Luscombe, Paris, 

Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Guiana. 

Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of Tasmania. 

Abbiss, Rev. J. fAcklacd, T. S. Esq. St. John's Coll. 
♦Aberdeen Diocesan Library Camb. 

A. B. Theological College, Illinois, Acklom, J. Esq. Downing Coll. Camb. 

N. A. Acland, L. Esq. Killerton 

Abraham, Rev. C. J. Eton Coll. »Acland, T. D. Esq. M.P. 

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Adaod, P. Leopold, Esq. Ch. Ch. 
Acland, Arth.H. Dyke, Esq. Dorchester 
Adams, Rev. H. G. 
Adams, Rev. D. one of the Vicars of 

Bam p ton 
•Adams, John, jun. Esq. 
Adams, Rev. W. Merton Coll. 
Ad cock, Rev. Halford H. Huinberslone, 


Addison, Rev. Berkeley, St. John's, 

Addison, VV. F. Esq. Wadhara 
Agnew, Rev. J. R. Wooteo, near Wood- 

Agnew, Mrs. Western Pavilion, Brighton 

Airey, Rev. W. Hexham 

Aitken, Rev. R. Walcot Terrace, 
Kensington Road 

Aitchison, Rev. D. Glasgow 

Alexander, Rev. John, Edinburgh 

Alger, Owen T. Esq. 

Allen, A. Esq. Clifton 

Allen, Rev. Jas. Castle Martin, Pem- 

Allen, Rev. Joseph, Athy, Ireland 

Allen, Rev. P. Westbourn, Sussex 

Allen, R. B. Esq. Walthamstow 

•Allies, Rev. T. W. Wadham Coll. 

Allom. Mr. Bookseller, York 

•All Soul's College Library, Oxford 

Ambler, A. Esq. Bristol 

Ambrey, Mr. C. Bookseller, Manchester 

Amphlett, Rev. M. 

Anderson, G. W. Esq. Bombay 

•Anderdon, John L. Esq. 

•Anderdon, W. H. Esq. University Coll. 

Anderson, George, Esq. Inverness 

Anderson, Rev. John, Merton Coll. 

Anderson, Rev. Philip, Gateshead 

Anderson, Rev. Robert, Brighton 

Anderson, Rev. Sir C. Bart. Lea 

Andrew, Rev. John, St. John's Coll. 

Andrewes, Rev. W. Sudbury 

Andrews, Mr. Geo. Bookseller, Durham 

Andrews, Mr. W. Bookseller, Bristol 

Anstey, Rev. George, Acomb Hall 

•Anstice, Mrs. Joseph 

Anthon, Rev. Henry, D.D. New York 

Antrobus, Rev. John 

•Appleton and Co. New York 

Archer, C. Esq. Ball. Coll. 
Armstrong, Rev. J. H. Dublin 
Armstrong, Rev. J. Dinder, Somerset 
Armstrong, Rev. C. E. Hemswortb, 

Armstrong, Rev. J. Wallsend 
•Arnold, Rev. T. K. Lyndon, Rutland 
Ashby-de-la-Zouch Theological Library 
Ashington, Miss, Little Saxham 
Ash worth, F. H. Esq. 
Ashworth, Rev. J. H. East Woodhay, 


•Ashworth, Rev. J. A. Bras. Coil, 
t Atkinson, Rev. M. Lincoln Coll. 
Attwood, Rev. E. W. Jesus Coll. 
Aubin, Rev. Philip, Jersey 
♦Audland, Rev. W. F. Queen's Coll. 
Austin, Rev. J. T. Aldworth, Berks 
•Awdry, Rev. C. Worthen, Shropshire 

•Bacon, R. W. Esq. King's Colt Camb. 
Badeley, E. Esq. Temple 
•Bagge, Rev. James, Lincoln 
Bagot, G. T. Esq. Exeter Coll. 
Baillie, Rev. Evan, Trinity Coll. 
Baker, C. F. Esq. Exeter CoU 
Baldwin, Rev. C. F. St. John's Coll. 
Ballas, Rev. J. 

Bampton, A. H. Esq. Plymouth 
tBandinel,Rev.Bulkeley, D.D. Bodleian 

Bange, Mr. Chas. 
Barandon, Esq. 
Barber, Rev. W. Wigston 
fBaring, Rev. C. Ch. Ch. 
Barker, Rev. H. Raymond, Mert. Coll. 
Barker, Rev. C. Raymond 
•Barker, Rev. F. Raymond, Oriel Coll. 
Barling, Rev. J. Halifax 
Barlow, Rev. T. 

Barnes, Rev. J. W. Trinity Coll. Camb. 
Barnes, Venerable Archdeacon, Sowton, 

Barnstaple Clerical Book Club 
Barrett, Rev. W. Stratford-on-Avon. 
•Barrow, Rev. John, Queen's Coll. 
Barter, Rev. W. B. Burghclere, Hants 
Bartholomew, Alfred, Esq. 

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Bartholomew, Rev. Canon, Exeter 
Bartholomew, Rev. C. C. Lympstone, 

Barton, Rev. J. H. Wicken, Northampton 
Batcheller, Mr. Bookseller, Dover 
•Bates, Rev. W. Christ's Coll. Carab. 
Bath Clerical Society 
Bathurst, L. C. Esq. Wells Theological 

Bathurst, Rev. S. Merton 
Baxter, Rev. Arthur, Croydon 
Bayford, John, Esq. 
Bayldon, Rev. J. 
Bayley, W. R. Esq. Bath 
Bayliff, Rev.T. L. King's Walden,Herts. 
•Bayly, Rev. W. H. R. Stapleton, near 

Bayne, Rev. Thos. Vere, Warrington 
•Beadon, Rev. H. W. Latton, near 

Beadon, Rev. Rich. 4 Court, Cheddar, 

•Beaufort, Rev. D. A. 
Beaumont, Rev. J. A. Hunslet, near 

Beaven James J. Esq. 
Beckwith, H. W. Esq. Univ. Coll. 
Beckwith, Rev. S. B. Tilehurst, Sussex 
Bedford, Rev. H. 

Begbie, — . Esq. Pemb. Coll. Camb. 

Beitch, Rev. W. D. 

Bell, Rev. Henry, Ruddington 

Bell, Rev. John, Oulton 

Bell, W. W. Esq. Civil Service, Bombay 

Bellairs, Rev. W. Bedworth 

Bellairs,Rev. H. W. Buckley, Flintshire 

•Bellamy, Rev. J.W. Merchant Taylors' 

Bellasis, Edward, Esq. 

Belli, Rev. C. A. Southweald, Essex 

•Bellingham, Rev. J. G. Farmiogton, 

Bennett, Rev. E.Leigh, Lechlade, Glou- 

Bennett, Rev. W. B. Sandnell 

Bentley, Rev. T. R. Manchester, 

Berkeley,Rev.G.C. South Minster,Essex 

Bernard, T. D. Esq. Exeter College 

Berry, Rev. P. Cork 

Bethune, Rev. G. 

Bevan, R. Esq. Rougham 
Beveridge, Mr. Thos. Gordon, Aberdeen 
Bickersteth, Rev. E. Walton, Herts 
Biggor, D. Esq. 

Birchinall, T. Esq. Park Lane, Mac- 

Bird, Rev. G. Great Wigborough, Essex 
Birks, Rev. B. H. Arley, near North- 

Birks, Rev. B. H. Ramsgate 
Biron, Rev. Edwin, Hythe, Kent 
Birtwhistle, Mr. W. Halifax 
•Bishops' College, Calcutta 
Blackburn, Rev. P. Steeple Langford, 

Blackburn, Rev. J. Royston 
Blackwell, Rev. Wm. Morden, Surrey 
Blackwood and Sons, Edinburgh 
Blakiston, Rev. R. Chichester 
Blandy, Charles, Esq. Reading 
Blandy, Rev. Francis J. Netheravon. 

Amesbury, Wilts 
•Blew, Rev. W. J. Milton, nr. Gravesend 
•Bliss, Rev. James, Bradford 
Bliss, Rev. W. Bath 
Blower, — Esq. Wolverhampton 
Bloxam, Rev. J. R. Magd. Coll. 
Blunt, Rev. W. 

Boissier, Rev. P. E. Malvern Wells 
Boissier, Rev. G. R. Penshurst 
Bolton, Lord 

Bond, F. H. Esq. Exeter Coll. 
Bond, Rev. N. Holme House, Dorset 
•Bonney, Rev. Thos. Rugeley 
Bonney , Ven. Archdeacon, King's Cliff, 

B unwell, Rev. J. Childwall, Liverpool 
Boodle, Rev. R. G. Compton Dando, 

near Bath 
tBorrodaile, Rev. A. Ch. Ch. 
Bosanquet, Rev. E. (Chrysostom) 
•Bosanquet, Rev. R. W. 
Bosanquet, James, Esq. 
Bosanquet, S. Esq. East Woodhay, 

Bosanquet, W. H. Esq. 
Bosanquet, S. Esq. Montagu Place 
Boteler, Mr. Northampton 
Bourke, Rev. S. G. 
Bourne, Geo. Esq. Bath 

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•Bowden, J. W. Esq. 
Bowdler, Be v. T. Sydenham 
Bowles, Rev. H. A. St. John's Coll. 
Bowles, Rev. F. A. Graffham, Sussex 
tBowstead, Rev. J. Greethara, near 

•Bowyer, Rev. W. A. 
Boyle, Rev. John, Brighouse, Yorkshire 
Bradford, Rev. C. Vicar of Arlington, 


Bradley, Rev. C. R. Ash, near Can- 

Bradshaw, Rev. J. 

Bradshaw, J. Esq. Nottingham 

Braithwaite, Rev. F. London 

Bray, late Rev. Dr. Associates of, 5 copies 

Bray, Rev. E. A. 

Brereton, Chas. Esq. New Coll. 

Brereton, Rev. John, New Coll. 

Brett, Mr. Stoke NewiDgton 

•Brewer, Rev. J. S. Queen's Coll. 

Brewin, Rev. Geo. York 

•Brewster, Rev. W. Hawarden, near 

Brickwood, W. Esq. St. Mary Hall 
•Bridges, Rev. B. C. Oriel Coll. 
Bridges, Rev. Brook Edw. Mert. Coll. 
tBridges, Rev.A. H. Beddington House, 

near Croydon 
Bridges, Rev. C. Old Newton, Stow- 


Brightwell, Mr. Barnstaple 
•Brine, Rev. James G. St. John's Coll. 
Bristol Literary Society 
Broadbent, Rev. C. F. Worfield, Shrop- 

fBrockman, Rev. J. St. Clement's, 

Sandwich, Kent 
Brogden, Rev. James 
Brook, Rev. W. Bentley Rectory, 

Ipswich, Suffolk 
•Brooke, Rev. T. R. Avening, 

Brooke, Rev. W. 
Brooksbank, Rev. C. Ch. Ch. 
Broughton, H. V. Esq. St. Peter's Coll. 

Broughton, Rev. B. S. Washington, 


Broughton, Mr. Thos. K. Boston 

tBrowell, Rev. W. R. Pembroke CoIL 
•Browne, E. G. Esq. Aberystwith 
Brown, Messrs. Booksellers, Leicester 
Brown, Rev. E. Leeds 
t Brown, Rev. Henry, Chichester 
Brown, Rev. Henry 
Brown, Rev. W. L. Ch. Ch. 
•Browne, Rev. R. W. King's Coll. 

Brown, Rev. J. L. Ashwellthorpe, Wy- 

mondham, Norfolk 
Browne, Rev. E. H. Emmanuel Coll. 


Browne, Rev. T. C. Fendowne, Wel- 
lington, Somerset 

Browne, Rev. W. R. Harlington, 

Browne, Rev. J. Bishopthorpe, near 

Browne, Rev. T. M. Vicar of Staudish 
Bruce, Lewis, Esq. Balliol Coll. 
Bruce, Rev. W. Duffryn, near Cardiff 
Brymer, Ven. Archdeacon, Pulteney 

Street, Bath 
•Buchanan, Mrs. Dursley, Gloucester. 


Buck, — Esq. Jersey 
•Buckerfield, Rev. F. H. Little Bedwin 
Buckle, W. H. Esq. Bridgewater 
Buckley, Mr. 

•Buckley, Rev. Joseph, Badminton, 

•Buckley, W. E. Esq. Brasenose Coll. 
Buckley, W. H. G. Esq. Bradford, 

Bukett, T. Esq. Malton 
Bull,Rev.John, D.D. Canon of Ch.Ch. 
•Buller, Rev. A. Mary Tavy, Tavistock 
Buller, John Edw. Esq. 
Bulley, Rev. F. Magdalen Coll. 
Bullock, W. Esq. Kilburn 
Bunting, Rev. E. S. 
Bunyon, Robert J. Esq. 
Burlton, Rev. J. F. 
Burnaby, Rev. Robt. Leicester 
Burney, Rev. C. Magdalen 
Burns, Mr. I. 

•Burrows, Rev. H. N.Yarmouth,Norfolk 
•Burrows, H. W. Esq. St. John's ColJ. 
Burton, T. Esq. St. Peter's Coll.Camb. 

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•Bute, The Marquis of 

Butler, Rev. D. Clergy Orphin School, 

St. John's Wood 
Butler, Rev. I. Inkpen, Newbury 
Butler, Rev. Jas. York 
Butler, Rev. T. Midhurst 
Butler, Rev. W. A. Professor of Moral 

Philosophy, University of Dublin 
Butler, Rev. W. J. Dogmersfield, 


Buttemer, Rev. Mr. Aldham 
•Butterfield,Rev. John, Bradford, York- 

Butterworth, Rev. J, H. Exeter Coll. 

Caistor, Wm. Y. Esq. 
•Caldwell, Captain 
Caldwell, Rev. R Madras 
Cambridge Union Society 
Campbell, Rev. H. 

Campbell, Rev. S. C. St. Nicholl's, near 

Campion, Rev. Hesketh, Albourne 
•Campion, Rev. Heathcote, Daony 
Canham, A. J. Esq. Tenterden 
Canterbury Clerical Book Society 
Capes, Rev. J. M. Shipton le Moyne 
Capper,Rev.D. Huntley, Gloucestershire 
Capper, Rev. George, Wherstead 
•Capper, S. J. Esq. Leyton 
Carden, Rev. Lionel, English Bicknor, 

near Coleford, Gloucestershire 
Carey, E. L. Esq. Philadelphia 
Carey, Rev. C. 
•Carey, Rev. H. Oriel Coll. 
Carlyon, Rev. E. 

Carlyon, Rev. J. St. Merin, Cornwall 
Carlyon, Rev. Philip, Colchester 
Carrighan, Rev. G. 
Carter, Rev. W. Eton College 
Carter, Rev. John, St. John's Coll. 
Carter, Rev. Mr. Bristol 
•Carter, Rev. T. T. Piddlehinton, 

Carthew, Rev. J. Treneglos, Launceston 
Cartwright, Rev. J. B. 

Carwardine, Rev. C. W. Tolleshunt 

Knights, Essex 
tCary, Isaac Preston, Esq. 
Case, Rev. James, Liverpool 
Caswall, Rev. E. Stratford Sub. Castle, 

near Salisbury 
Cator, Mr. Launceston 
Cator, Rev. John, Wakefield 
Caulfield, Rev. W. Pallas, Kerry 
Cavendish, Hon. and Rev. A. 
•Cavendish, Hon. Richard 
•Chaffers, Rev. T. Brasen-nose Coll. 
Chambers, J. D. Esq. 
Chambers, O. L. Esq. Univ. Coll. 
•Chambers, Rev. J. C. Deacon of the 

Church, Sedbergh 
Champernowne, H. Esq. Trinity Coll. 
Champernowne, Rev. R. Ch. Ch. 
Chandler, Rev. J. Witley 
Chanter, Rev. Mr. Ilfracombe 
Chapman, C. Esq. Trinity Coll. 
Chapman, Rev. J. M. Balliol Coll. 
Charlton, T. Esq. Chilwell, Nottingham 
•Chase, D. P. Esq. Oriel Coll. 
•Chase, Rev. T. H. Queen's Coll. 
Cheetham Library, Manchester 
•Chepmell, Rev. H. L. M. Pemb. Coll. 
•Chessyre, Rev. W. J. Canterbury 
Chester, Rev. Anthony, Chichley Hall, 

Cheyne, Rev. P. Aberdeen 
Chichester, Dean and Chapter of 
Chichester, Very Rev. the Dean of 
Childers, Mrs. A.W. Cantley,Doncaster 
Christie, A. J. Esq. Fellow of Oriel Coll. 
Christie, Rev. F. Badgeworth, near 

•Christ's College Library, Cambridge 
•Church, Rev. R. W. Oriel Coll. 
Church, W. Esq. Univ. Coll. Durham 
•Churton, Rev. Edw. Crayke, near 

Cirdeaux, Rev. J. Whiston 
Clarke, Rev.E. W.Great Yeldham , Essex 
Clarke, Rev. H. Danvers, Exeter Coll. 
Clarke, Rev. Henry, Incumbent of 

Gisborough, Yorkshire 
Clarke, Rev. S. Mortlake, Surrey 
Clark, G. N. Esq. Newcastle-on-Tyne 
Clark, Mr. Wm. Manchester 

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Clark, Rev. J. W. 
Clark, Rev. John, Leeds 
Clark, Rev. J.Dixon, Belford,Newcastle 
Clayton, Rev. J. H. Bath 
Clayton, — Esq. Twickenham 
Clayton, Mr. Chas. Manchester 
Claxson, Rev. B. S. D.D. Gloucester 
Clement, Rev.B.P. Canon of Winchester 
♦Clements, Jacob, Esq. Oriel Coll. 
•Cleoburey,Rev.C. Steeple A ston,Oxon. 
Clerke, Ven. C. C. Archdeacon of 

•Clerke, Rev. Wm. Melton Mowbray 
Clifton, Mrs. Kensington 
•Clissold, Rev. A. Stoke Newington 
Clive. Hon. R. H. M.P. 
•Clutterbuck, Rev. H. Exeter Coll. 
Cochrane, Mr. John, Bookseller, Strand 
Cocks, Hon. and Rev. J. S. Worcester 
fCocks, Rev. Charles 
tCodd, Rev. E. T. Minchin-Hampton, 

Codd, Rev. E. T. St. John's Coll. 

♦Codrington College Library, Barbados 
Coffin, Rev. R. A. Ch. Ch. 
Coit, Rev. T. D. President of the 

Transylvanian University, U. S. 
Cole, Geo. Edw. Esq. 
Cole, Rev. C. Peterhead 
•Coleridge, Hon. Mr. Justice 
Coleridge, Rev. E. Eton Coll. 
Coleridge, F. G. Esq. Ottery St. Mary 
t Coleridge, Rev. Derweut, Chelsea 
♦Coles, Rev. G. Croydon 
Coles, W. Esq. Wells 
t College of Doctors of Law, Doctors' 

Collett, W. L. Esq. Queen's Coll. 
Colley, Rev. James, Shrewsbury 
Collings, Mr. E. Bookseller, Bath 
tCollins, C. M. Esq. Exeter Coll. 
Collioson, Mr. R. Mansfield 
♦Collis, Rev. J. D. Head Master of 

Bromsgrove School 
Collison, Rev. F. W. St. John's, Camb. 
♦Collyns, Rev. Chas. Henry, Ch. Ch. 
Coltman, Rev. George, Stickney, 


rColson, C. Esq. Cambridge 

Colvile, Rev. Frederick L. Leamington 

Colville, James W. Esq. 

Combe and Crossley, Leicester 

Combs, John, Esq. 

Compigne, D. Esq. Gosport 

Compton, Rev. B. Unsworth, near Bury, 

Connell, Rev. A. O. Dublin 
Constable.Esq. Jesus College.Cambridge 

Conway, W. F. Esq. 

Cooper, Rev. E. P. Vicarage, Burford, 

Oxon. (Tr. of S. Chrys.) 
Cooper, Rev. G. M. Wilmington, Lewes 
Cooper, Rev. R. Howe, Norfolk 
Copeland, Rev. W. J. Trinity Coll. 
Coplestone, Rev. R. E. Barnes, Surrey 
tCopleston, Rev. W. J. Oriel College, 

Corbett, Ven. S. Archdeacon of York, 

Wortley, Sheffield 
♦Coroish,Rev.Dr.King's School, Ottery 

St. Mary 

Cornish, Rev. Hubert K. Bakewell, 

Cornish, Rev. C. L. Exeter Coll. 
•Cornthwaite, Rev. T. Hornsey 
Cosens, Rev. Robert, Dorchester 
Cosserat, Rev. G. P. Graham, Exeter 


Cotes, Rev. Peter, Litchfield, Hants 
♦Cotton, Rev. W. C. New Zealand 
Cotton, William, Esq. Bank of England 
Courtenay, Lord, Powderham Castle 
♦Courtenay, Rev. Francis, Exeter Coll. 
Courtney, W. P. Esq. Exeter ColJ. 
Cowie, Mr. St. John's Coll. Cambridge 
♦Cox, Rev. W. H. St. Mary Hall 
♦Cox, Rev. J. Walgrave 
Cox. F. H. Esq. Pembroke Coll. Camb. 
Coxson, Rev. Mr. Davenham, Cheshire 
Coxwell, G. S. Esq. Newcastle-on-Tyoe 
Cragg, Rev. Richard, Wymondham 
Cramp, W. Esq. Camberwell 
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Crawley, C.Esq. Fitzroy Farm,Highgate 
Crewe, Lord, Trustees of, 
•Crichlow, Rev. H. M. Poundstock, 

Crichton, Rev. M. 

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Cripps, Rev. J. M. Novington, nr. Lewes 
Croft, Archdeacon, Salt wood, Hythe 
Crofton, Morgan, jun. Esq. Boyle, 

Crompton, Rev. Benj. Uns worth, near 

Bury, Lancashire 
Crompton, Rev. J. L. Trin. Coll» 


Cross, J. E. Esq. Ch. Ch. 
Crosse, T. F. Esq. Exeter Coll. 
tCureton, Rev. W. British Museum 
Currer, Miss, Eshton Hall, Yorkshire 
•Currey, Mr. StJohn's Coll. Cambridge 
Currie, Rev. Horace G. Milford 
•Currie, Rev. James 
Curties, Rev.T.C. Frenchay,near Bristol 
Curry, Mr. W. Bookseller, Dublin 

Dale, Rev. H. Bristol 
Dalgairns, J. D Esq. Exeter Coll. 
♦Dalton, Rev. W. Lloyd House, Wolver- 
Dalton, Rev. W. Inworth 
•Dalton, Rev. C. B. Wadham Coll. 
Dalton, Mr. 
Daly, Rev. William 
•Daman, Rev. Charles, Oriel Coll. 
Danby, T. B. Esq. Kendal 
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m drew, Wilts 

♦Darby, Rev. Christopher, Knocktopher 
Darnell, Rev. W. Stanhope, Durham 
♦Darling, Mr. James, 22, Little Queen 

Street, London 
Darling, Rev. Thomas St. John's Coll. 

Darwall, Rev. L. Criggion, near Shrews- 

*Dasent, G. W. Esq. Magdalen Hall 
Davie, Rev. G. J. Brasted, Kent 
Davies.Mr. John,Bookseller,Shrewsbury 
Davis, Rev. E. Hereford 
Davies, Rev. J. Abbenhall, Gloucester- 

Davies, Rev. W. L. Elizabeth College, 

Davison, Mrs. College Green, Worcester 

Dawson, Rev. G. Exeter Coll. 

•Dawson, J. Esq. Exeter Coll. 

Dawson, Rev. I. Massey, Abinger 
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Day, Rev. Johu D. Gorwyn Vane, 

Dayman, Rev. E. A. Exeter Coll. 

t Dayman, A. J. Esq. Exeter Coll. . 

•Deacon, Rev. G. E. C. C. C. 

Dealtry, Rev. Dr. Clapham 

•Dean, Rev. W. S. Abdon 

Dean, Rev. E. B. All Souls College 

Dene, Rev. Arthur, Exeter * 

Deane, Rev. H. Gillingham, nr. Shaftes- 

Debrisay, Rev. J. T. 
Deedes, Rev. Gordon 
Delafosse, Mrs. Addiscombe 
Demain, Rev. Henry, Hertford 
Demainbray, Rev. F. Barcheston, uear 

Demerara Clerical Library 
Denny, Rev. A. Mauritius 
Denton, Rev. Henry, Dunton Bassett, 


De Tessier, Rev. A. P. Barfreston,Kent 
•De Tessier, G. Esq. C.C.C. 
De Vere, Aubrey, Esq. 
Dew, Lieutenant 

Dewhirst, Mr. Bookseller, Huddersfield 

Dewhurst, Rev. John 

•Dickinson, F. H. Esq. 

Dickinson, Harvey, Esq.Nutfield, Surrey 

•Dickinson, F. H. Esq. 

tDisney, Rev J. Charlemont, Armagh 

•Dimsdale,Charles,Esq.Essendon Place, 

Dingwall, Charles, Esq. 
Dixon, Rev. I. I. Abram, Manchester 
Dixon, Rev. James, Sheffield 
Dixon, Rev. Robert, King Wm. Coll. 

Isle of Man 
•Dobson, — Esq. Liverpool 
Dodd, Rev. W. Newcastle-on-Tyne 
•Dodgson, Rev. C. Croft, Yorkshire 
Dodson, Rev. J as. Lichfield 
•Dodsworth, Rev. William 
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Donne, Rev. Jas. Bedford 

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Dornford, Rev. J. Plymtree, Devon 
Douglas, Rev. H. Whickham, Durham 
•Dowding, Rev. B. C. Devizes 
Downes, Rev. J. 

Drummond, Henry, Esq. Albury Park, 

Drummond, Rev. Arthur, Charlton 
Druramond, Rev. Spencer R. Brighton 
Drummond, Rev. K. Feering 
Drummond, Colonel, Bath 
Drury, Rev. H. J. Worcester Coll. 
Dry, Rev. Thos. Forest, Walthamstead 
Duffield, Rev. R. Frating, near 

•Dugard, Rev. Geo. Manchester 
tDukes, R. M. Esq. Lincoln Coll. 
Dundas, Wm. Pitt, Esq. Edinburgh 
tDunn, John, Esq. Advocate, Aberdeen 
Dunn, Rev. John 
Dunraven, Earl of, 
•Dunster, Rev. Mr. Tottenham 
Durnford, Rev. Francis, Eton College 
Dyer, Rev. J. H. Waltham, Essex 
♦Dyke, Rev. Henry, Cottisford, Oxon. 
Dymock, Rev. J. Rector of Roughton 
•Dyraock, Rev. W. G. Hatch Beau- 
champ, Ilminster 
Dyne, Rev. J. B. Highgate 
•Dyson, Rev. C. Dogmersfield 
Dyson, Rev. F. Tidworth 

East, E. Esq. Magdalen Hall 
Eaton and Sons, Booksellers, Worcester 
Eaton, W. Esq. Weston, Whitwell, York 
Eden, Rev. R. Rochford, Leigh, Essex 
Edge, Rev. W. J. Waldringfield, Wood- 

Edgell, Rev. E. East Hill, Frome 
Edinburgh, University of 
Edmonstone, Sir Archibald, Bart. 
Edmonstone, Rev. C. St. Mary's Marl- 
borough, Wilts 
•Edwards, Rev. A. Magd. Coll. 
•Edwards, Rev. J. Newington 
Eedle, Rev. Edward Brested, Bognor 


Eland, Rev. H. G. Bedminster, Bristol 
Elder, Rev. Edward, Balliol Coll 
Eldridge, Rev. J.A .Bridlington.Yorkshire 
Eley, Rev. H. Aldham, Essex 
tElliott, C. J. Esq. St John's Coll. 
Ellis, Mr. Kitson 

Ellon Episcopal Chapel Library 
•Ellon, Rev. Mr. G. N. B. 
Elmhirst, Rev. Edw. Shawell Rectory, 

Elwes, C. C. Esq. Bath 
Elwes, J. M. Esq. 

Elphin, Ven. Archdeacon of, Ardcarnes 

Boyle, Ireland 
Elton, A. Esq. Clevedon 
Emmanuel College Library, Cambridge 
•Erskine, Hon. and Rev. H. D. Swith 

land, Leicestershire 
Estcourt, T. G. Bucknall, Esq. M.P. 

Estcourt, Gloucestershire 
Estcourt, Rev. E. E. Cirencester 
Ethelston, Rev. C. W. Uplyme, Lyme 


Etough, Rev. Dr. Claydon, Ipswich 
•Evans, Herbert N. M.D. Hampstead 
Evans, Rev. E. C. Sugham 
Evans, Rev. Thomas, Gloucester 
Evans, Rev. W. Burl ton Court 
•Evans, Rev. T. S. Brompton 
•Evans, Rev. A. B. D.D. Market Bos- 

worth, Leicestershire 
Evetts, T. Esq. C. C. C. 
Exeter, Very Rev. The Dean of 
Ewing, Rev. W. Lincoln Coll. 

•Faber, Rev. F. W. Eltou Rectory, 

Faber, Rev. J. C. Cricklade, Hindon, 

Falcon, Rev. Wm. Buxted, Sussex 

Fallow, Rev. T. M. 

•Farebrother, Rev. Thomas, Aston, 

Farnworth, Mr. 
•Farrer, James William, Esq. 

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Faulkner, Mr. Bookseller, Doncaster 
Fawcett, Rev. J as. Leeds 
Fearon, Rev. D. R. 
Felix, Rev. Peter 

Fellowes, Rev. C. Shottesham, Norfolk 

Fellows, Mrs. Money Hill House, 
Rickmansworth, Hertfordshire 

Fenton, Rev. G. L. Lilleshall, Shiffnal, 
Salop, (Augtistine) 

Fenwick, Rev. M. J. Donegal 

•Fessey, Rev. G. F, Tardebigg, Worces- 

Few, Robert, Esq. 

Fielding, Rev. H. near Horncastle 

Finch, Miss C. 

Fisher, Rev. A. Bridport 

♦Fisher, Rev. W. A. Hilmore, Cork 

Fitzgerald, Rev. A. Carlow 

Fitzgerald, C. R. Esq. 

Fitzherbert, Rev. Alleyne, Ashbourn, 

Fitzroy, Rev. August. Fakenham, Suffolk 

Fleming, J. Esq. St. John's Coll. Camb. 

Fletcher, Rev. C. Southwell 

Fletcher, Sir Henry, Bart. Ashley Park, 
Walton on Thames 

•Fletcher, Rev. W. K. Bombay 

Floyer, Rev. T. B. Oldershaw, Lichfield 

Forbes, the Hon. Walter, Lord Forbes, 
residing at Castle Forbes, N. B. 

Ford, Rev. J. Bailey, near Exeter 

Ford, Wm. Esq. 

•Ford, Mr. Bookseller, Islington 
Forester, Hon. and Rev. Orlando, 

Brazeley, ShifTnoll 
•Formby, Rev. R. Brasenose Col). 
Forster, Rev. H. B. Stratton, Cirencester 
♦Forsyth, Dr. Aberdeen 
Fortescue, Rev. R. H. Revelstock, Devon 
Foskett, Rev. T. M. Enfield, Middlesex 
Foster, Rev. J. Great Haseley 
Foulkes, Rev. H. P. Balliol Coll. 
Fowler, Rev. H. Liskeard, Cornwall 
Fox, Rev. Charles, Bridport 
Fox, Mr. 

Fraser, Rev. Robert, St. Stephen's, 

Freeland, F. E. Esq. Chichester 
Freeman, Rev. H. Peterboro' 

Freith, F. H. Esq. Univ. Coil. Durham 
Froude, Ve n .R . H . A rchd eacon of Totness 
•Froude, Wm. Esq. Bristol 
Fulford, Rev. F. Croydon, Arlington, 

Fulford, Rev. J. Exeter Coll. 
•Furlong, Rev. C. J. Warfield, Berks 
Fursdon,Mrs. FursdonHouse.near Exeter 

•Gace, Rev.FrederickAubert,Magdalen 

•Garden, Rev. Francis 

Gardner, Rev. W. Rochford, Essex 

Garratt, John, Esq. jun. Farringdon 

House, near Exeter 
Gathercole, Rev. M. A. North Brixton 
•Gaunt, Rev. C. Isfield, near Uckfield 
Gaye, Rev. C. H. 
•Gayfere, Rev. Thomas, Bradford 
•Gawthern, Rev. Francis Seeker, Exeter 


George, Henry, Bookseller, Westerham, 

•Gepp, Rev. Geo. Edw. Ashbourn 
Germon, Rev. Nicholas, St. Peter's, 

Gibbings, Rev. Rich.Trin. Coll. Dublin 
•Gibson, J. Esq. Jesus Coll. Camb. 
•Gibson, Rev. W. Fawley 
Gifford, Wm. Esq. Univ. Coll. 
Gilbertson, Rev. L. Llangorwen, near 

Gillet, Rev. G. E. 
Gladstone, Rev. John, Liverpool 
Gladstone, John, Esq. Fasque, Fetter- 

cairne, Kincardineshire 
Gladstone, William Ewart, Esq. M.P. 

Ch. Ch. 2 copies 
Gladwin, Rev. C. Liverpool ^ 
Glanville, Rev. Edward F. Wheatfield 

Rectory, Tets worth 
Glasgow, University of, 
•Glencross, Rev. J. Balliol College 
♦Glenie, Rev. J. M. St. Mary Hall 
Glossop, Rev. Hen. Vicar of Isleworth 
Glover, Rev. F. A. Dover 
Glynne, Rev. H. Hawarden Rectory, 


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Goldsmid, Nathaniel, Esq.M.A. Exeter 

Goldsmith, H. Esq. St. Peter's Coll. Camb 
Gooch, Rev. J. H. Head Master of 

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Goodford, C. O. Esq. Eton Coll. 
•Goodlake, Rev. T. W. Pembroke Coll. 
Goodwin, H. Esq. Caius Coll. Cambridge 
Gordon, Rev. Osborne, Ch. Ch. 
Gordon, C. S. Esq. Exeter 
Gordon, H. Esq. Kendal 
Gordon, W. Esq. St. Leonard's 
Gother, Rev. A. Chale Rectory, Isle of 


Gough, Rer. H. St. Bees 
tGoulburn, H. Esq. 
Gould, Rev. R. J. Farnham Royal 
Graham, Rev. W. H. 
Grantham Clerical Library 
Grant and Bolton, Messrs. Booksellers, 

Grant and Son, Messrs. Booksellers, 

Graham, Mr. Bookseller, Oxford 
•Grant, Rev. Anth. D.C.L. Romford 
Grant, Rev. James B. Dublin 
•Granville, Rev. Court, Ma) field, near 

Grapel, Mr. W. Liverpool 
Graves, Rev. John, Ashperton, Here- 
Green, Mr. Bookseller, Leeds 
Green, Rev. H. Cople, Bedfordshire 
tGreen, Rev. J. H. Swepstone 
Green, Rev. M. J. Lincoln Coll. 
Greene, R. Esq. Lichfield 
Greenwell, W. Esq. Univ. Coll. Durham 
•Greenwell, W. Esq. St. John's Coll. 

•Gregory, Rev. G. Sandford, Devon 
Gregory, R. Esq. Corpus 
Gresley, Rev. Sir Nigel, Bart. 
Gresley, Rev. W.Lichfield 
•Gresley, Rev. J. M. Exeter Coll. 
Greswell, Rev. R. Worcester Coll. 
Gretton, Rev. R. H. Nantwich, Cheshire 
Grey, Rev. H. Exeter 
•Grey, Hon. and Rev. Francis, Morpeth, 

Grey, Hon. and Rev. John, Wooler, 

Grierson, J. Esq. 

•Grieve, Rev. Mr. Ellon, Aberdeen 
Grimstead, Rev. G. 
tGrub,George,Esq. Advocate. Aberdeen 
Grueber, Rev. C. S. Magd. Hall 
•GuilJemard, Rev. J. St. John's Coll. 
•Guillemard, Rev. H. P. Trinity Coll. 
Gunner, Rev. W. Winchester 
•Gutch, Rev.R. Segrave, Leicestershire 

Haffenden, Miss, Langford Hall, Newark 
Haight, Rev. B. I. New York, U. S. 
•Haines, W. C. Esq. Hampstead 
Haines, Mr. Bookseller, Oxford 
Halcombe, John, Esq. 
Hale, Rev. G. C. Hillingdon 
•Hale, Ven. Archdeacon, Charter House 
•Hale, Rev. Matthew B. Alderley, 

Hall, Mr. Bookseller, Cambridge 
Hall, Rev. Adam, Drumbair, Ayrshire 
•Hall, Ven. Archdeacon, Isle of Man 
Hall, Rev. S. C. 
•Hall, Rev. W. Manchester 
Hall, Rev. W. J. 

*Hallen, Rev. G. Rushock Medonte, 

Upper Canada 
Halliburton, Mr. Bookseller, Coldstream 
Halson, Mr. 

•Hamilton, Rev. Jas. Beddington 
•Hamilton, Rev. Walter Kerr, Merton 

Coll. Chaplain to the Bp. of Salisbury 
t Hannah, Rev. J. Lincoln Coll. 
Hannaford, Mr. Bookseller, Exeter 
Harcourt, Rev. Vernon, West Dean 

House, Midhurst 
•Harding, Rev. I. St.Ann's, Blackfriars 
Hardwick, Rev. Charles, Gloucester 
Harington, Rev. Rich. Principal of 

Brasenose Coll. 
Harley, John, Esq. Kain Wemin, Ponty 


•Harness, Rev. Wm. 

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•Harper, T. N. Esq. Queen's Coll. 

Harper, £. N. Esq Kensington 

Harper, Rev. H. J. C. Mortimer, near 

Harrington, Rev. E. Exeter 

Harris,Hon. and Rev.C.A. Wilton, Wilts 

Harris. Rev. Thomas 

Harris, J. Esq. City of London School 

Harrison, Benj. Esq.Clapham Common 

Harrison, Benson, E«q. Ambleside 

•Harrison, Rov. B. Ch. Ch. Domestic 
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Harrison, Rev. H. Gouldhurst, Kent 

Harrison, Rev. J. W. 

Harrison, W. Esq. 

Harter, Rev. G. Manchester 

Hartley, L. L. Esq. Middleton Lodge, 
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Hartnell, E. G. Esq. 

Hartwell, Geo. Esq. Trin. Coll. Camb. 

Harvey, Rev. Mr. Bath 

Hasting, Rev. J. Arclay Kings, Worces- 

•Hatherell, Rev. J.W. D.D. Charmouth 
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•Hawker, J. Esq.. Balliol Coll. 
•Hawkins, Rev. Edward, Jamaica 
•Hawkins, Rev. E. Coleford, Gloucester 
Hawkins, Rev. Ernest, Exeter Coll. 
•Hawkins, Rev. H. C. H. Lydney, 

Hawks, Rev. W. Gateshead, Durham 
Hayden, Mrs. Thomas, Guildford 
•Hayward, W. W. Esq. 
Hazlehurst, R. K. Esq. Trinity Coll. 

Head, — Esq. Exeter 
•Heale, S. W. Esq. Queen's 
Heath, Christopher, Esq. 
Heathcote, Sir Wm. Bart. Hursley Park, 

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•Heathcote, Rev. C. J. Clapton 
Heathcote, Rev. G. North Tamer ton 
t Heathcote, Rev. George, Connington 

Rectory, Stilton, Hunts 
• Heathcote, Rev. W. B. New Coll. 

Hedley, Rev. T. A. Gloucester 
Hemsley,Mr. W. Kc) worth, Nottingham 
Henderson, Rev. T. Messing, Kelvedon 
•Henderson, W. G. Esq. Magd. Coll. 
Henderson, H. R. Esq. 
Henn, Rev. W. Garvagh, Londonderry 
Hervey, Hon. and Rev. Lord Arthur, 
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Hewett. Rev. P.Binstead, Isle of Wight 

Hewitt, Hon. John J. Balliol Coll. 

Hewitt, T. S. Esq. Worcester Coll. 

Heycock, Rev. Owston, Leicestershire 

Heydon, Mr. J. Bookseller, Devonport 

•Hibbert, Miss R. S. 

Higgs, Rev. R. W. Swansea 

Hildyard, Rev. James, Christ's Coll. 

Hill, Rev. Edw. Ch. Ch. 

Hill, John, Esq. Glasgow 

•Hill, Rev. Erroll, Worting, Basing- 

Hill, Rev. R. Balliol Coll. 

Hillman, G. Esq. Magd. Coll. Camb. 

Hilton, J. D. Esq. Univ. Coll. 

Hindle, Rev. Joseph, High am 

Hinde, Rev. Thos. Liverpool 

Hine, Rev. H. T. Bury St. Edmunds 

Hingeston, James Ansley, Esq. 

Hippisley, J.H.Esq. Lambourne, Berks 

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Hoare, W. H. Esq. Ashurst Park, Tun- 
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Hobhouse, Rev. E. Fellow of Mert. Coll. 

Hobhouse, Rev. R. Bridgenorth 

Hobson, Rev. W. W. Bedingham, 

Hocking, Richard, Esq. Penzance 
Hodgson, Rev. Chas. Bodmin 
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Hodgson, Rev. John, St. Peter's, Thanet 
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Hodgson, W. Esq. Wanstead 
Hodson, Rev. Mr. Salisbury 
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Hogan, Rev. J. Tetbury, Gloucestershire 
Hogben, Mr. Geo. Sheerness 
Hogg, Rev. J. R. Brixham 
Holden, Rev. Geo. Liverpool 
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H olden, Mr. A. Bookseller, Exeter 
Holder, the Misses, Torquay 
Holds worth, Miss M. Dartmouth 
•Hole, Rev. George, Chumleigh, near 

Holland, Rev. J. E. M. Stoke Bliss, near 

Hollis, Rev. G. P. Duddington, Somerset 
Holmes, Hon. Mrs. A'Court 
Holmes, Rev. Peter, Plymouth 
Hohhouse, Rev. C. S. 
•Hope, A. B. Esq. Trin. Coll. Camb. 
Hope, James R. Esq. Merton Coll. 
Hook, Rev. Dr. W. F. Leeds 
Hopkins, Rev. A. Clent. Worcestershire 
•Hopkins, Rev. Thomas, Honington 
•Horncastle Clerical Society 
Hornby, Rev. James, Win wick, War- 

Hornby, Rev. Wm. St. Michael's Gar- 

stang, Lancashire 
Hornby, R. W. B. Esq. Manor House, 

He worth, York* 
Horner, Chas. Esq. Mill Park, Somerset 
Horner, Rev. John, Mel Is, Somerset 
•Horsfall, Rev. A. Grange.Derby 
Horsfall, J. Esq. Standard Hill, Notts 
♦Horsley, Rev. J. W. Ville of Dunkirk, 

Faversham, Kent 
♦Hoskins, Rev. W. E. Canterbury 
Hotham, Rev. C. Patrington, Hull 
Hotham, W. F. Esq. Ch. Ch. 
Hotham, Rev. J. G. Sutton-at-home, 

Houghton, Rev. J. Matching 
Howard, Rev. W. Great Witchinghara, 

Howard, Hon. C. 

•Howard, Hon. and Rev. Wm. Whiston, 

Rotherham, Yorkshire 
Howell, Rev. Alexander, Southampton 
Howell, Rev. H. Merton Coll. 
Howell, Rev. A. Sedgley 
•Hubbard, Rev. Thos. Ley tons tone 
Huddleston, Rev. G. J. 
•Hue, Dr. 
•Hughes, Rev. H. 

Hulton, Rev. Campbell Grey, Man- 
Hulton, Rev. W. 

Hunt, R. S. Esq. Exeter Coll. 
Hunter, Rev. W. St. John's Coll. 
Huntingford, Rev. G. W. College, 

Hutchins, Rev. W. Bath 
Hutchinson, Rev. Cyril, Batsford, 

Hutchinson, Rev. C. Firle 
Hutchinson, Rev. James, Chelmsford 
Hutton, Rev. W. Warton, Lancaster 

t Jackson, Rev. J. Islington 
Jackson, Rev. Dr. Lowther, nr. Penrith 
Jackson, Rev. W. Ardley Rectory 
Jackson, Rev. W. D. Ch. Ch. Hoxton 
tJacobson, Rev. W. Magd. Hall 
Jaffray, Mr. Jas. Bookseller, Berwick 
J ames,Rev. J .Rawmarsh,near Rotheram 
•James, Rev. Henry 
James, Rev. E. Prebendary of Win- 

Janvrin, James H. Esq. Oriel 
Jeanes, Mr. Bookseller, Exeter 
Jefferson, Rev. J. D. Thorganby, York- 

• Jeffray, Rev. L. W. Preston 

Jeffreys, Rev. Henry Anthony, Hawk- 
hurst, Kent 

•Jelf,Rev.RichardWilliam,D.D. Canon 
of Ch. Ch. 

Jelf, Rev. W. E. Ch. Ch. 

Jellott, H. Esq. 

Jennett, Mr. 

Jennings, Rev. M. J. 

Jennings, Rev. J. Preb. of Westminster 

Jennings, Mrs. Driffield 

Jeremie, Rev. F. J. Guernsey 

Jeremie, Rev. T. T. Trinity College, 

Jerrard, Rev. M. Norwich 

Illingworth, Rev. E. A. 

Inge, Rev. T. R. Southsea 

Inglis, SirR.H. Bart. M.P. 

Ingram, Rev. Geo. Chedburgb, Suffolk 

•Ingram, Rev. R. 

Inman, Rev. W. J. 

Johnson, C. W. Esq. Balliol Coll. 

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Johnson, Miss 

Johnson, Rev. E. M. Brooklyn, New 

Johnson, Manuel John.Esq. Magd.Hall, 

Radcliffe Observer 
Johnson, Mr. Bookseller, Cambridge 
Johnson, W. F. Esq. 
Johnstone, "Rev. M. Stewart, MinnigafT 

Mause, Newton Stewart, Scotland 
•Jones, Ven. H. C. Archdeacon of Essex 
Jones, Rev. D. Stamford 
Jones, Rev. E. Wigan 
Jones, Rev. Edward, Fatherwell, near 

West Mailing, Kent 
Jones, Rev. J. Hereford 
Jones, Rev. H. J. Edinburgh 
Jones, Rev. H. Llanfaes, Beaumaris 
•Jones, Rev. R. J. Newcastle-on-Tyne 
•Jones, William, Esq. M.A. Ball. Coll. 
Jones, Mr. James, Manchester 
Jones, W. B. Esq. Magdalen Hall 
Jones, Rev. R. Branxton, Coldstream, 

Jones, C. K. Esq. 
Jones, Rev. W. H. Preston 
Trby, Hon. and Rev. F. Hyihe 
•Irons, Rev. W. J. Brompton 
•Irvine, Rev. A. Leicester 
Irvine, Rev. J. Knowle, near Bristol 
Irving, Geo. Esq. Newton, Edinburgh 
Irving, Rev. J. Kendal 
Isaacson, Rev. John Fred. Freshwater, 

Isle of Wight 
Isham, Rev. A. All Souls Coll. 

Karslake, Rev. W. Colebrook, Devon 
Karslake, Rev. W. H. Meshaw, South 

Molton, Devon 
Keith, John, Bookseller, Glasgow 
Keble, Miss 

Keble, Rev. T. Bisley, Gloucestershire 
Keigwin, Rev. James P. Wadham Coll. 
Kekewich, S. T. Esq. Peamore 
Kempe, Rev. G. Salterton 
Kendal, Rev. J. H. F. Kirkby Lons- 

Kenney, Rev. F. Ch. Ch. 


Kenrick, Rev. J. Horsham 

•Kent, Rev. G. D. Sudbrooke, near 

Kenyon, Lord 

Kenyon, Robt. Esq. D.C.L. All Souls 
Kerr, Hon. and Rev. Lord, Dittisham 
Kerr, Lord Henry, Dittisham 
Kerrier Clerical Club, Cornwall 
Kershaw, Rev-. G. W. Worcester 
Keymer, Rev. N. Hertford 
•Kidd, Dr. Oxford 
Kindersley, R. T. Esq. 
King, Ven. Archdeacon 
King, R. J. Esq. Exeter Coll. 
King, R. P. Esq. Bristol 
King's College Library, London 
•Kirwan, Rev. E. Tiverton 
•Kitson, E. P. Esq. Balliol Coll. 
Kitson, Rev. John F. Exeter Coll. 
Kitson, Rev. G. Antony Vicarage, 

Knatchbull,Rev.H.E. Elmham, Norfolk 
Knight, Rev. T. Ford, Northumberland 
Knight, Rev. W. Worcester Coll. 
Knollys, Rev. Erskine 
•Knowles, E. H. Esq. Queen's Coll. 
Knowles, J. L. Esq. Pembroke Coll. 
Knox, Rev. H. B. Monk's Eleigh, 

Kyle, Rev. John Torrens, Cork 

Lace, F. John Esq. Ingthorpe Grange, 

Lacon, F. Esq. Worcester Coll. 
Lade, John Wm. Esq. 
•Laing, Rev. David 
Lake, W. C. Esq. Balliol Coll. 
•Lampen, Rev. R. Probus, Cornwall 
•Landor, Rev. R. E. Birlingham 
Lance, Rev. Edw. Buckland St. Mary, 

Lance, Rev. E. llminster 
•Landon, Rev. C. W. Over-Whitacre, 

Landon, Rev. E. H. St, Phillips, Dalston 
Lane, Mrs. F. 

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Lane, Re?. C. Deal 
Lane, Rev. E. Gloucester 
Lane, Rev. C. Kennington 
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Langbridge, Mr. Birmingham 
Langdon, Rev. G. H. Oving 
•Langdon, Augustus, Esq. 
Langmore, W. Esq. M.D. 
•Laprimaudaye, Rev. C. J. Leyton 
Latham, Rev. Henry, Selmeston, Sus- 

Latimer, Rev. G. B. P. Tynemouth 
Law, Rev. S. T. Chancellor of the 

Diocese of Litchfield 
Law, Rev. W. T. East Brent, near 

Cross, Somerset 
Lawrence, Rev. Alfred, Sandhurst, Kent 
Lawrie, A. J. C. Esq. 
Lawson, Rev. C. Richmond 
Lawson, Rev. Robt. 
Lawson, Rev. W. Delancey, Oakham 
Lay ton, Rev. F. W. H. Islington 
Leak, J. Bookseller, Alford, Lincolnshire 
Lechmere, Rev. A. B. Welland, Wore. 
Lee, Rev. S. Sidmouth 
Lee, Rev. W. Trinity Coll. Dublin 
fLeefe, Rev. Audley End, Essex 
Lefroy, Rev. A. C. 
Legge, Lady Anne 

*Legge, Rev. Henry, EastLavant, near 

Legge, Rev. W. Ashtead 
Leigh, Stratford, Esq. 
Leigh, Wm. Esq. Little Aston Hall, 


•Leighton, Rev. F. K. All Souls Coll. 

Le Mesurier, John, Esq. Ch. Ch. 

Lepage, Mr. Calcutta 

♦Leslie, Rev. Charles 

Leslie, Mr. Bookseller, London 

Lewis, Rev. David, Jesus Coll. 

Lewis, Rev. G. Dundee 

Lewis, Rev. R. Farway, near Honiton 

•Lewis, Rev T. T. Aymestry, near 

tLewlhwaite, Rev. Geo. jun. Adel, near 


Ley, Rev. Jacob S. Ashprington, Devon 
Ley, W. H. Esq. Trinity Coll. 
Library of Congress, Washington 

•Library of Domus Scholarum, Wotton- 

•Liddell, Rev. Henry G. Ch. Ch. 

Liddell, Rev. Thos. Edinburgh 

Lifford, Right Hon. Lord Viscount, 
Astley Castle, near Coventry 

Light and Ridler, Bristol 

Lightfoot, Rev. N. Stockleigh, Devon 

Lindsell, J. Esq. St. Peter's Coll. Camb. 

•Lingard, Rev. Joshua, Curate of the 
Chapelry of Hulme, near Manchester 

Linzee, Rev. E. H. 

Li tier, Rev. R. Poyn ton, near Macclesfield 

Littlehales, Rev. J. New Coll. 

*Liveing, Rev. Henry Thomas, Stoke by 
Nayland, Suffolk 

Liverpool Library 

tLloyd, Rev. E. Badgeworth 

Lloyd, Rev. H. Pentrevoglas, N. Wales 

Lloyd, Rev. John F. Baliylany, Rich- 
hill, Ireland 

Lloyd- Carew, Rev. H. Pembrokeshire 

Lockhart, W. Esq. Exeter Coll. 

Lock wood, Rev. John, Rector of King- 
ham, Oxon 

Lockwood, Rev. Mr. Coventry 

Lockyer, E. L. Esq. Emmanuel Coll. 

•Lodge, Rev. B. 

Lomax, T. G. Esq. Lichfield 

London Institution, The 

Long, W. Esq. Bath 

Losh, Miss, Woodside, Carlisle 

Lott, Mr. 

tLousada, P. M. Esq. Merlon Coll. 
Low, Rev. R. Ahasenogh, Ireland 
•Lowe, John Wm. Esq. 
Lowe, Rev. T. Oriel Coll. 
Lowe, Rev. R. Misterton, Somerset 
Lowe, Rev. T. H. Dean of Exeter 
Lowe, Rev. R. F. Madeira 
Lowe, Mr. Bookseller, Wimborne 
Lumsden, Rev. H. St. Peter's, Ipswich 
Lund, Mr. St. John's Coll. Cambridge 
Lundie, Rev. W. Com pton, Berwick -on- 
Twee d 

Luscombe, Rev. E. K. Plymouth 
Lush, A. Esq. 
Lusk, John, Esq. Glasgow 
Lutener, Rev. T. B. Shrewsbury 

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Luxraore, Rev. J. H. M. 
Lyall, Rev. Alfred 

Lyall, Ven. W. R. Archdeacon of 

Lyne, Rev. C. P. West Thomey, Sussex 
Lysons, Rev. Samuel, Hempstead, Glou- 

Maberly, Rev. T. A. 
♦M'Call, Rev. E. Brightsone, Isle of 

Macauley, Rev. S. Herrick 
Mac-Donnell, Rev. J. Dublin 
Maclean, Rev. H. Coventry 
Maclean, Rev. J. Sheffield 
•Macfarlane, Rev. J. D.Frant,Tunbridge 

Maclachan, A. N. C. Esq. Exeter Coll. 
Machlachlan,Stewart,andCo. Edinburgh 
Mackenzie, L. M. Esq. Exeter Coll. 
tMackenzie, A. C. Esq. St. John's Coll. 
Mackinson, Re v.T.C . Colonial Ch aplain , 

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•Macmullen, Rev. R. G. C.C.C. 
Macpherson, Rev. A. Rothwell, near 

Maddy, Rev. B. Shrewsbury 
Madox, Wm. Esq. 
Magdalene College Library 
M'Arthy, Rev. F. Loders, Dorset 
M'Clintoch, G. F. Esq. Bengal Civil 


Mahon, Rev. C. Fort St. George, Madras 
* Major, Rev. Dr. King's Coll. London 
M'lver, Rev. Wm. West Derby 
Maitland, Rev. S. R. 
Maitland,Rev.P. Blackburn, Lancashire 
•M'Laren, Major, Portobello, Greenock 
Malcolm, Rev. Hen. Eckington, Ches- 

•Mallock, Rev. Wm. Torquay 
Mallory, Rev. G. 

Manley, N. M. Esq. St. John's Coll. 

Mann, Rev. W. Moxon 


Manning, Ven. Hen. Archdeacon of 

Chichester, Lavington, Sussex 
Manning, Mrs. Tillington, Sussex 
Manning, Rev. G. W. 
Margetts, Rev. H. Huntingdon 
Markland, J. H. Esq. Bath 
Markland, Thomas. Esq. Manchester 
•Marriott, Rev. J. Bradfiehl, Reading 
Marriott, Rev. F. A. 
Marsden, Rev. A. Gargrave 
Marsden, Mr. Wm. Manchester 
Marshall, Rev. Edward, C.C.C. 
Marshall, Rev. Edward, Eranwell, 

Sleaford, Lincoln 
Marshall, Rev. T. W. Charlton, near 

Marsham, Rev. G. F. J. Allington, 

Martin, Rev. John, Sidney Sussex Coll. 

Martin, Rev. Richard, Menheniot 
Martyn, Rev. J. Exete^ 
Mason, Rev. A. W. Borking, near 

•Mason, Rev. W. Normanton 
Massingberd, Rev.F.C. Ormsby,Spilsby 
Masters, Rev. J. S. Greenwich 
Matheson, G. F. Esq. 
Maxwell, Henry C. Esq. York 
May, Rev. George, Heme, Kent 
Mayo, A. Esq. Oriel 
Mayor, C. Esq. Newport Rectory, Mays 
Mayow, Rev. M. W. Market Lavington, 


Mayow, W. R. Esq. Magdalen Hall 
Mc Ewen, Rev. A. Semington, Melk- 

shara, Wilts. 
•Meade, Rev. E. Stratford on Avon 
Medley, Rev. J. Exeter 
•Medwyn, Hon. Lord, Edinburgh 
•Mence, Rev. J. W. 
Mendham, Rev. J. Clophill, Beds. 
Menzies, Rev. F. Brasenose Coll. 
Meredith, Rev. R. F. Wore. Coll. 
Mere wether, Rev. Francis, Whit wick, 

•Merival, Rev. C. St. John's Coll. 

•Merriman, Rev. N. J. Street, Somerset 
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M'Glashen, Mr. James, Dublin 

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•Mill, Rev. Dr. 

Miller. Rev. C. Magdalen Coll. 

Miller, Rev. John, Worcester Coll. 
Benefield, Northamptonshire 

Milles, Rev. T. Tenterden, Kent 

Millner, Rev. W. Bristol 

Mills, I. J. Esq. Lexden Park 

Milward, Rev. Hen. Parlton, Somerset 

Minchin, O. H. Esq. Dublin 

Minster, Rev. T. Hunsingore, near 

*Moberly, Rev. Dr. Winchester 

Money, KyrleE. A. Esq. C.C.C. Camb. 

Monro, Rev. Edward, Oriel Coll. 

Monsell, Wm. Esq. Tervoe, Limerick 

•Moody, Rev. Henry R. Chartham, near 

Moore, Rev. ^rthur, Stratum, Glou- 

Moorsom, Captain, Lowndes Square 

fMoorsom, Rev. R. Seaham Vicarage, 

Mordaunt, Sir John, Bart. 

More, Rev, R. H. G. Larden Hall, 

Morgan, Rev. J. P. C. Llangwyryfor 

Morgan, Rev. J. 

Morrice, J. Esq Sidcliff, near Sidmouth 
Morrell, Baker, Esq. St. Giles, Oxford 
Morrell, F. Esq. St. Giles, Oxford 
•Morrell, Rev. G. K. St. John's 
Morrison, J. Esq. Glasgow 
Morrison, Mr. Liverpool 
•Morris, Rev. T. E. Ch. Ch. 
Morton, M. C. Esq. Exeter Coll. 
Morton, Mr. T. N. Boston 
Mosse, Rev. S. T.Ashbourn, Derbyshire 
•Mozley, Rev. Thomas, Cholderton 
Mozley, H. Esq. Derby 
Munby, Joseph, Esq. York 
Murray, C. R. Scott, Esq. 1 1 , Cavendish 

Square, London 
Murray, F. H. Esq. Ch. Ch. 
Murray, Rev. G. E. All Souls Coll. 
Mushet, Robert, Esq. 
Muskett, Mr. C. Bookseller, Norwich 

Neave, Rev. H. L. Eppjng 
•Needham, Hon. Mr. Trinity Coll. 

Neeve, Rev. F. K. Poole, Cakneys 
Nelson, John, Esq. St. Mary Hall 
Nelson, Earl, Trinity Coll. Cambridge 
•Nevile, Rev. Charles, Trinity CoU. 
Newdigate, Mrs. Aubry, near Coventry 
•New, Rev. F. T. Christ Church, St. 

•New York Society Library 
New York Theological Seminary 
Newall, Rev. S. Dedsbury 
Newcastle-on-Tyne Clerical Society 
•Newman,Rev. W.J. OrielColl.2 copies 
Newton, Mi. Croydon 
Nichol, J. Esq. Islington 
Nicholl, Rev. J. R. Greenhill, near 

•Nicholls, Rev. W. L. Bath 
•Nicholson, Rev. P. C. Leeds 
•Nicholson, Rev. Wm. 
Nicholson, Miss F. Rochester 
•Nind, Rev. W. Fellow of St. Peter's, 

Northcote, G. B. Esq. Exeter Coll. 
•Northcote, J. S. Esq. C.C.C. 
Norwich, Dean and Chapter of 
Nunns, Rev. Thomas, Birmingham 
Nutt, Rev. Charles, Tiverton, near Bath 

Oakeley,Rev.SirHerbert, Bart.Bocking 
•Oakeley, Rev. Frederick, Balliol Coll. 
Oakey, Mr. H. Bookseller, Preston 
O'Brien , Rev. H. Kelleshandra, Ireland 
0'Brien,Rev.Hewitt,Edgefield Rectory, 

O'Brien, S.August. Esq. Blatherwycke 
Park, Wansford 

O'Connell, Rev. A. Dublin 

Oldham, Rev. J. R. Incumbent of St. 
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•Oldknow, Rev. J. Uppingham 

Ogilvie, Rev. C. A. D.D. Regius Pro- 
fessor of Pastoral Theology, Oxford 

Ogle, J. A. M.D. Clinical Professor 
of Medicine, Oxford 

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tOldham, Joseph, Esq. Hatherleigh, 

Oliverson, R. Esq. 
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tOrmerod, Geo. Esq. Sedbury Park, 


tOrmerod, Rev. Thomas J. Bras. Coll. 
Osborne, J. Esq. 
Oswald, Alexander, Esq. 
Oswell, Rev. Lloyd, Isfield, Sussex 
Ouyry, Rev. P. T. 
Overton, Rev. J. G. Corpus C. Coll. 
Owen, Rev. E. Wendover 
Oxenharo, Rev. Nutcombe, Medbury, 

Packe, Mrs. J. Richmond Terrace, 

Page, Rev. Dr. Gillingharo, Kent 
Page, Rev. Cyril 
Page, Rev. L. F. Woolpit 
Paget, Rev. E. F. Elford, Lichfield, 

Chaplain to the Bishop of Oxford 
Palk, Rev. Wm. Ashcombe, Devon 
Palmer, Rev. J. 
Palmer, Rev. S. North Tawton 
Palmer, Rev. W. Worcester Coll. 
•Palmer, Rev. W. Magd. Coll. 
Palmer, R. Esq. 

Palmer, G. H. Esq. Liucoln's Inn 

Panting, Rev. R. Calcutta 

Panting, T. Esq. Pembroke College 

•Papillon, Rev. John, Lexden,Colchester 

Pardoe, Rev. J. 

Parker, Rev. Charles 

Parker, C. Esq. 41, Upper Bedford Place 

tParker, Rev. W. Appleton-le-Street 

tParkes, Rev. W. 

Parkinson, Rev. J. P. Magd. Coll. 

Parkinson, Rev. R. Manchester 

Parlby, Rev. Hall 

•Parsons, Rev. G. L. Benson 

•Patteson, Hou. Mr. Justice 

•Pattison, Rev. Mark, Lincoln Coll. 

Paul, Rev. Charles, Bath 
Paul, G. W. Esq. Magd. Coll. 
Payne, Mr. Randolph, Magd. Hall 
Payne, R. jnn. Esq. Lavender Hill, 

Peake, Rev. G. E. Taunton 
tPearse, T. Esq. Magdalen Coll. 
Pearson, the Very Rev. Hugh N. D.D. 

Dean of Salisbury 
Pearson, Rev. Charles, Knebworth, 

Stevenage, Herts 
Pearson, Rev. H. W. Guildford 
Peck, J. Esq. Temple Combe 
Peel, Rev. J. Prebendary of Canterbury 
•Pelly, Rev. Theophilus, C.C.C. 
•Penny, Rev. Edw. St. John's Coll. 
♦Perceval, Hon. and Rev. A. P. 
•Perkins,Rev.B. R. Wotton-under-Edge 
Perrin, Rev. J. Stockenham 
•Perry, Mr. 

Perry, Mr. E. W. Bookseller, Plymouth 
Peters, Rev. Henry, St. Johnlee, 

Petley, Rev. Henry, Glynde Lewes, 


Phelps, Rev. H. D. Tarrington, Led- 
bury, Herefordshire 

Phillipps, S. M. Esq. 

Phillips.Rev.G. Queen's Coll.Cambridge 

Phillips, Rev. E. Clapham 

Phillott, Johnson, Esq. Bath 

•Phillpotts, Rev. W. J. Hallow, Wor- 

Phippen, Robt Esq. Badgworth Court, 

Phipps, Rev. E. J. Devizes 
Piccope, Rev. I. Manchester 
•Pigott, Rev. G. Bombay 
Pigott, Rev. J. R. Hughenden Vicarage, 


Pinckard, Wm. Esq. Handley , Towcester 

•Pinder, Rev.J.H.Diocesan Coll. Wells 

Pirie, A. jun. Esq. Aberdeen 

Pitts, Rev. J. Street, near Glastonbury 

Piatt, Rev. George 

•Piatt, T. P. Esq. Liphook, Hants 

Plumer, Rev. J. J. Swallowfield, Berks 

Plummer, Rev. Mat. Heworth, Durham 

tPJumptre, E. H. Esq. Univ. Coll. 

Pocock, Mr. Bookseller, Bath 

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•Pocock, Rev. N. M.A. Queen's Coll. 

•Pocock, Rev. C. S. Inkbeirow, Wor- 

Pole, Rev. R. Chandos, Radbourne, 

♦Pole, E. S. Chandos, Esq. Radbourne 

Hall, Derby 
Pollock, John, Esq. Edinburgh 
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tPooley, Rev. M. Scotter 
Pope, T. A. Esq. Jesus Coll. Cambridge 
Popham,Rev. John, Chilton, Hungerford 
Popham, Wm. Esq. 
Porcher, Charles, Esq. 
Portal, Melville, Esq. Ch. Ch. 
Porter, Rev. Chas. Stamford 
Porter, Henry, Esq. Winslade, Exeter 
Portman, Rev. F. B. Staple Fitzpaine, 

Pountney, Rev. H. Wolverhampton 
Povah, Rev. J. V. 
Powell, Arthur, Esq. 
•Powell, Chas. Esq. Speldhurst 
Powell, Rev. H. T. Coventry 
•Powell, Rev. Edw. Aroett, Ampthill 
•Powell, Rev. J. C. 
Powell, John, Esq. 
Powell, Rev. Rob. Worcester Coll. 
Power, Mr. Pembroke Coll. Camb. 
•Powles, R. Cowley, Esq. Exeter Coll. 
Pownall, Rev. C. C. B. Milton Ernest 
Pratt, Rev. J. B. Cruden, Aberdeenshire 
•Prescott, Rev. T. P. Portsmouth 
Pressley, Rev. Mr. Fraserburgh, Aber- 

Prevost, Rev. Sir George, Bart. Oriel 

Price, Rev. Wm. Colne St. Denis 

Rectory, near Northleach 
tPrice, Rev. W. H. Pembroke Coll. 
•Prichard, Rev. J. C. Mitcham 
Prickett, Rev.M.TrinityColl. Cambridge 
Pridden, Rev. W. Broxted, Essex 

Prideaux, Esq. 

Puckle, Rev. John, Dover 
Pym, Rev. F. Plymstock, Devon 

Radcliffe, Rev. J. F. Hugglescote 

Raikes, R. Esq. Exeter Coll. 
Ramsay, Rev. E. B. St. John's Chapel, 

Randall, Rev. H. G. Queen's Coll. 
•Randolph, E. Esq. Jesus Coll. Camb. 
•Randolph, Francis, Esq. St. John's 


Randolph, Rev. G. Coulsdon, Croydon 
•Randolph, Rev. Herbert, Abbotsley, 

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Randolph, Rev. S. Hadham 
Randolph, Rev. Thomas 
Randolph, Rev. E. J. Tring, Herts. 
Ranken, Rev. Mr. Old Deer 
Rashdall, Rev. John, Exeter 
•Raven, V. Esq. Magd. Coll. Camb. 
•Rawle, Mr. Trinity Coll. Cambridge 
Rawlins, Rev. C. Allerthorpe, Pock- 

Ray, Rev. H. W. Kendal 
Rayer, Rev. Wm. Tiverton 
Rayleigh, Right Hon. Lord, Terling 

Place, Essex 
Read, Wm. Esq. Manchester 
Reece, Rev. James, Tinsley 
Reed, Rev. Christ Tyuemouth 
Reeves, Rev. F. J. H. 
Reid, Rev. C. B. Teynham, near Sit- 

•Relton, Rev. J. R. Tewkesbury 
Rew, Rev. Chas. Maidstone 
Rhodes, M. J. Esq. Stanmore, Mid- 

•Rice, H. Esq. Highfield, near 

•Richards, Rev. J. L. D.D. Rector of 

Exeter College 
Richards, Rev. E. T. Farlington 
Richards, Rev. George, Warrington 
Richards, Rev. Henry, Horfield, near 

Richards, Rev. Upton 
Richards, Rev. T. Watkyn, Puttenham, 

Guildford, Surrey 
Rickards, Rev. J. Stowlingtoft 
Ricketts, Rev. F. 

Riddell, Rev. J. C. B. Harrietsham. 

Ridings, Mr. George, Bookseller, Cork 

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Ritson, J. Esq. Jesus Coll. Camb. 

Riviere, Mr. Bookseller, London 

Roberts, L. Esq. White well Clitheroe, 

Roberts, Mr. Liverpool 

Roberts, Rev. R. Milton Abbas, Dor- 

Robertson, J. Esq. D.C.L. Doctors' 

Robertson, Rev. J. C. Trinity Coll. 
Cambridge, Boxley, Maidstone 

Robertson, Rev. J. C. University Coll. 

•Robson, Rev. J. U. 

* Robinson, Rev. C. Kir knew ton, near 
Wooler, Northumberland 

Robinson, Rev. R. B. Lytham Preston, 

Robinson, Rev. C. W. Hoton, Leices- 

Robinson, Rev. T. Milford 

Robins, Rev. S. Shaftesbury 

Robin, Rev. Philip R. Bolton, Lanca- 

Rochester, Very Rev. the Dean of 
•Rodmell, Rev. John, Burford, Salop 
Rodd, Rev. C. North Hill 
Rod well, Mr. Bookseller, Bond Street 
Rogers, Edw. Esq. Blackheath 
Rogers, W. Esq. Balliol Coll. 
Rogers, Rev. John, Canon of Exeter 
Rogers, Rev. J. Foston, Leicestershire 
Rogers, Mrs. St. John's Villa, Fulham 
Rohde, Mrs. Eleanor, Croydon 
Romney, Rev. F. H. near Worcester 
Rooke, C. H. Esq. Magdalen Coll. 

Rooper, Rev. Wm. Abbots' Ripton 
*Rose, Rev. H. H. Birmingham 
Ross, Rev. J. L. Oriel Coll. 
Rothfield, Rev. John M. 
Round, Rev. James F. Colchester 
Routh, Rev. Martin Joseph, D.D. Presi- 
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Rowe, W. Esq. Rockwell, Tipperary 
•Rowley, Rev. T. Ch^Ch. 
Rump, James, Esq. Swanton Morley, 

Rusher and Johnson, Messrs. Booksellers, 

Russell, J. Watts, Esq. Ham Hall 
Russell, Rev. M. Watts, Benefield, 

Russell, Mrs. Aden, Aberdeenshire 
tRussell, Mr. Bookseller, Aberdeen 
Russell, Rev. J. F. Enfield 
Russell, Rev. Samuel Henry 
Ryder, Rev. G. D. Easton, Hants 
•Ryder, T. D. Esq. Oriel Coll. 

Salter, Rev. John, Iron Acton, Bristol 
Sampays, A. J. Esq. Fulham 
Sanders, Rev. John, Liverpool 
Sanders, Rev. Lloyd, Exeter 
•Sandford, Rev. G. B. Prestwich, 

Sandham, J. M. Esq. St. John's Coll. 
Sandilands, Rev. R. S. B. 
Sankey, P. Esq. St. John's College 
Saunders, Rev. A. P. Charterhouse 
Saunder, Rev. J. Sidney Sussex Coll. 


Savage, Mrs. Henleaze, near Bristol 
Schneider, Rev. H. 
Schofield, H. L. Esq. Brighton 
Scobell, Rev. John, Southover, Lewes 
Scott, H. B. Esq. Honiton 
Scott, Rev. John 
•Scott, Rev. R. Balliol Coll. 
Scott, Rev. W. 

fScudamore, Rev. W. E. Ditchingham, 

Selwyn, Rev. Wm. Ely 

•Sewell, Rev. J. E. New Coll. 

Seymour, Rev. Sir J. H. Bart. North- 
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Seymour, Rev. Richard, Kinwartou» 

Shadwell, Rev. J. E. Southampton 
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Sharp, Rev. W. Addington, Cumberland 
•Sharpe, Rev. W. C. Marlborough 
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Shaw, Rev. Morton, Hawkhurst, Kent 

fShaw, Rev. G. Fen Drayton 

Shearly, W. J. Esq. St. Peter's Coll. 

Shedden, S. Esq. Pembroke College 

Shepherd, Rev. Samuel 

Sheppard, J. H. Esq. Queen's Coll. 

tSheppard, W. Esq. Oriel Coll. 

Sheppard. Rev. F. Clare Hall, Camb. 

♦Sherlock, Rev. H. H. Ashton, in 
Win wick 

Sherwood, Rev. Mr. 

Shields, Rev. W. T. 

Shilleto, W. Esq. Univ. Coll. 

•Shillibeer, Mr. John, Oundle 

tShort, Rev. Augustus, Ravensthorpe, 

Short, Rev. T. Trinity Coll. 

Shortland, Rev. H. V. 

Shortland, Rev. H. V. Twinstead, near 

Snow, Rev. D. Blandford 

Sidebottom, Rev. W. Buckden 

Sidgwick, C. Esq. Skipton Castle, York- 

Simms and Dinham, Manchester 
Simms and Son, Messrs. Bath 
•Simms, Rev. E. Great Malvern 
Simpson, Rev. J. D. Sidney Sussex Coll. 

•Simpson, Rev. Joseph, Shrewsbury 
Simpson, Rev. J. Pemberton, Wakefield 
Simpson, Rev. T. W. Thurnscowe Hall 
Simpson, R. Esq. Mitcham, Surrey 
Sinclair, Rev. John, Chaplain to the 

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Sittingbourne Reading Society 
Skinner, F. Esq. 
Skipsey, Rev. Mr. 

Skrine, Rev. Harcourt, Wadhara Coll. 
Sladen, Rev. E. H. M. Bockleton, 

Small, Rev.N. P. Market Bosworth 
Smart, Thomas, Esq. 
Smirke, Sir Robert 

Saaith.Andrew.M.D. Fort Pitt,Chatham 

t Smith, Rev. Dr. Leamington 

Smith, Rev. Jeremiah, Long Buckby, 

Smith, Rev. E. H. Jersey 

Smith, Rev. E.O.Hulcote,nearWoburn 
Smith, Rev. J. C. Castle Cary, 

Smith, Rev. H. R. Somers, Little Bentley, 

♦Smith, Rev. John, Bradford 
Smith, Rev. Edward, Bocking 
•Smith, R. P. Esq. Pembroke College 
Smith, Rev. Mr. Greenock 
•Smith, Rev. S. St. Mary's, Ely 
Smith, S. Esq. Univ. Coll. Durham 
Smith, Henry, Esq. 
Smith, Rev. Joseph, Trinity Coll. 
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Smythe, Rev. P. M. Tanworth, Henley 

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Spry, Rev. John Hume, D.D. Oriel 

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Sunter, Mr. Bookseller, York 
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•Tait, Rev. Dr. Head Master of Rugby 

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Talbot, Rev. G.Bristol 
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Tatham, Rev. Arthur 
Taylor, A. Esq. Queen's Coll. 

Taylor, Miss, London Road, Brighton, 

Taylor, Rev. Henry, Mile End, New 


Taylor, Rev. M. J. Harold, Bedfordshire 
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Thomas, Rev. C. A. Nevill, Exeter Coll. 
Thomas, Rev. C. N. St. Column's 
•Thomas, Rev. R. Bancroft's Hospital, 

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•Thompson, Rev. Sir H. Bart. Fareham 
•Thompson, Rev. W. H. Trinity Coll. 

Thompson, Captain, R. N. Hayes' Com- 
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Thompson, Mr. G. Bookseller, Bury St. 

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Thornton, Rev. W. J. Llanwarne, 

Thornton, Rev. Spencer 
Thorold, Mr. W. Barnstaple 
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Thwaytes, Rev. J. Carlisle 
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Tidswell, Rich. Esq. Upper Clapton 
Timins, Rev. Henry 
Tindale, J. Esq. Huddersfield 
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Tomkyns, Rev. John, Greenford 
Tonge, George, Esq. 
Tophara, Rev. I. Curate of St. Paul's, 

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Townsend, Rev. George, Prebendary of 

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Trenow, Rev. F. W. near Worcester 
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Trollope, Rev. Arthur 
Troughton, Rev. J. E. C.C. Coll. Camb. 
•Trowers, Rev. Walter 
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Tucker, Rev. M. jun. 
Tuckwell, Mr. Bath 
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Tunno, Miss, Cheltenham 
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Turner, Rev. Chas. Kidderminster 
Turner, Rev. J. Stourbridge 
Turner, Rev. J. F. Exeter 
Turner, Sharon, Esq. 
Turner, Rev. Thomas, Exeter Coll. 
Turner, Rev. W. H. Norwich 
Twiss, A. O. Esq. Boyle, Ireland 
Twopeny, Rev. D. S. Sittingbourne 
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Tyndale, Rev. H. A. Westerham, Kent 
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Tyrrell, T. Esq. 
Tytler, Patrick Fraser, Esq. 

Underhill, Mr. E. B. Oxford 
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Vaux, Rev. Bo wyer, Collegiate Church, 

•Vaux, Rev. Wm. Preb. of Winchester 
Vernon-Harcourt, Rev. L. 
Vicars, Rev. M. Exeter 
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Vigne, Rev. H. Sunbury, Middlesex 
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Walford, Rev. Oliver, Charterhouse 
Walford, Rev. Wm. Hatfield, Essex 
Walker, C. H. Esq. Exeter Coll. 
Walker, E. Esq. Lincoln Coll. 
Walker, Mrs. Tunbridge Wells 
Walker, Rev. G. A. Alverthorpe, 

Walker, Rev. R. Wadham Coll. 
Walker, Rev. S. W. Bampton, Devon 
Walker, Rev. T. Bickleigh, Plymouth 
Walker, Rev Thos. Clipstone, Market 

Walker, Mr. Queen's Coll. Cambridge 
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Walker, Rev. S. Horrabrid^e, near 


Wall, Rev. Henry, Vice- Principal of 

St. Alban Hall 
Wallace, Rev. Geo. Canterbury 
Wallas, Rev. John, Queen's Coll. 
Walliuger, Rev. W. 
Wallis, Mr. H. Bookseller, Cambridge 
Walter, J. Esq. Exeter Coll. 
Waiter, Rev. Edw. Langton Rectory, 


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Walter, Rev. Ernest, Tachbrook 

Walter, Rev. Keats 

Waltbamstow Library 

•Walton, Rev. Dr. Birdhook 

Ward, Right Hon. Lady, Himley Hall 

Ward, Rev. R. Skipton 

•Ward, Rev.W. P. Compton Vallance, 

Ward, Rev. W. G. Balliol Coll. 
Ward, Rev. W. C. Brome, Suffolk 
Wardroper, Rev. Charles, Gloucester 
Ware, Rev. H. Ladock, Dear Truro 
Warren, Rev. John, Exeter 
Warren, Rev. Z. S. Beverley 
•Warter, Rev. J. Wood, West Tarring, 


Wason, James, Esq. Stroud 

Watkins, Rev. Fred. Emmanuel Coll. 

Watkins, Rev. W. Chichester 
Watkins, Rev. Henry, South Mailing, 


Watson, G. W. Esq. Merton Coll. 

Watson, Joshua, Esq. 

Watson, Rev. J. D. Guilsborough, 

Watson, Rev. Alex. Cheltenham 
Watson, Rev. Geo. Etheiley, Durham 
Watts, Rev. John, Tarrant Gunville, 


Watts, Richard, Esq. Clifton House, 

•Watts, Rev. William 
•Wayett, Rev. W. Pinchbeck 
•Weare, Rev. T. W. Westminster 
Webb, J. W. Esq. Clare Hall, Camb. 
• Webster, Rev. William .Christ's Hospital 
t Webster, Rev. W.N.Pitsiigo,Aberdeen 
•Webster, Samuel K. Esq. Emmanuel 

College, Cambridge 
•Weguelin, Rev. W. Stoke, nr. Arundel 
Wenham, S. G. Esq. Magd. Coll